Thomasville Southern Enterprise, May 2, 1866

Thomasville Southern Enterprise

May 02, 1866

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Issue date: Wednesday, May 2, 1866

Pages available: 4

Previous edition: Wednesday, April 25, 1866

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Publication name: Thomasville Southern Enterprise

Location: Thomasville, Georgia

Pages available: 1,257

Years available: 1860 - 1876

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All text in the Thomasville Southern Enterprise May 2, 1866, Page 1.

Thomasville Southern Enterprise (Newspaper) - May 2, 1866, Thomasville, Georgia î i í» LtrCITO C. BBYAK, Editor and Roprietor. $4*00 a year in Adjas^, }Thomasville, Georgia, Wednesday, May 2,1866. YOL YI.-ÍÍO. 18Law and Medical Cairds. BRYAN & HARRIST ATTORIVEirS AT I-AW, OFFICE Jirst dx)or in second story of Stark's Confectionary. L. C. BRYAN. Mar 14 K. H. HARKTS. 11-tf S. B. Si^ENCEB, ATTORNEY AT JAW, ThomasTitle, Oeorgta, '^iU attend prOffiptl"«^ trp all civil business en-to hifl care In the Southern Circuit, Pimch and Ware of the Brnnswick Circiiit. Jaa 31__5 ly* C. p. HANSELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, fhomas rille, Oeorgia. Jan 31 i>-ly BOBEBT G. MITCHELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, THOMASYILLE, GA. jJÊ^Office pyer McLane's Store. Jan 24 4-12m jr. R. Iteid, ]». W.F.l>eWitt,in.]> Drs. REID & OeWITT, OFFER their services to the citizens of Thomasville and vicinity. l^OFFICE at Dr. DeWitVsjprug Store Feb 21 8-tf I>r. T. S. 0OPILIIVS, IIV SAIHEK I^OT witli ^ESIDK.^CE hi. O. ARHTOEiD,RESIDENT DENTIST THOMASVILIiE, GA. WILL be found at the old stand occupied by him for the last ten years Aug S»-12m «IBM f located in T nomas Professiooial ^ervi-Dr. W. P. CLOWER HAVING permanently ville, ofiers his JPr« «e» to the public, ¡^OFFICE at the Drug Store of W. P. Clower ^ Co. £^RESIDENCE—the house formi rly oc-jeupied by Dr. JBrandon. mar)4 1y I>r. H. W. JBASTO.V Having permanently located in Thomas ville, respectfully offers his services to the citizens of the Toirn and Surro?mding Country, ia tbe prance of Mediciaii, Surs» gery and Midwifery. Will also pay special attention to the treatment of Diseases of Women. Office U. K. Evans' old Store upstairs. Janl7som E. G. FUROIJSO^, [(jrraduaie of Queei%\s College.) PHYSICAN, SURGEON, Boston, Georgia. Ma^ be consulted at Mr. Murphy's near Railroad Station.APOTHECABYEC AT mT b. --o-W. P. CLOWER & CO., DRUOaiSTS. Have renovated and refitted the Stcre next .to Young's Hotel, for the purpose of es-jtabUshing aFirst Class Drug Store. The new firm ask for a shfre of patronage, and invite the attention of the citi zens to their well selected stock of JMedlclnes, Paiicy and Toilet Articles, Soaps and Perfumery. P'ine Green and Black Teas, K-eroslne liamp« and Oil, 0TE STUFFS, Together with every other article usually Jkept in a well appointed Drug Store. Fhysidans* Prescriptions carefully prepared. 4-tf Jan 24 AND ID: ri^he undersigned having purchased the I elegant Drug Store of Dr. Little, take pleasure in announcing to the people of Thomasville, and the country generally, that they haye juafc received a fall supply vof fresh Drugs aad Medicines, Paints, Oils, Pjerfumery, Stationery, et., etc. Call &nd examine for yourselves. By strict attention to business, courtes ous and honorable dealing with our cus^ tomers we hope to merit and receWe a libc^ ral share of patronage. WINN & CASSELS. James N. Winn, Samusl J. Cassels. jan 17tf FBESH DBUGS ÜR. P. S. BOWJÍR has just received a large stock of fresh Drugs, purchased at the best manufactories in the United tates, and embracing erery article'in the fedical Department. His Drugs were purchased with the view of sj^pplying the Inarket with the very Best Quality of Medicines xnanafactured, and the prices were not iherefore consulted. He will nevertheless kell upon easy terms, and feels sure that lie can give satisfaction. Thankful for the liberal patronage extended to him heretofore by the people of 3?homas County, he hopes to merit a eontin uation of their favors, ffe may be found kt his old Stand opposite Remington & Son. ' Jan4, tf P. S.BOW^R.EMPIRE NAIR ftESlHRER. An elegant DrtsHng^. An infallible restorer of Color, And a veonderful Invigorator of the HAIR. Prepared by W. P. CLOWER As CO., Jan 31 5-tf Apothecaries Hall. Gommission Merchants. QBQ. T.: BATTEN, COMMISSION MERCHANT THOltAmOLCK, CtA. f Bac«B« M on T WO ]II*aths fr»m ènte, applfea- tion will be male to LonndesConrtbf Or- Adm'r. ¥^ILL purchase adisell Cotton, T f Sugar, »yr^ W^tM, Commission, forward Cotton and other Produce to Savannah, and Goods from Depot to other points. Orders and Condgnmento solicited. Feb 14 7-3m* GEOBGE PATTEN, JP o r "W ^ r ca. 1 la. fi? AND !DOI»I1I1ISSIO]V MERCHAUTT, SA.TANNAS» OJEOBOIA. Tenders his services to the Merchants of Thomasville, and the Planters of Thomas County, for the forwarding of Goods, the sale of Prorluce and purchase of Supplies, and respectfully'sc^cits their patronage. Feb 14 7-3m*J. R. S. DAVIS & CO.,Auction & Commission MEBCHANTS, Next door to B. & Ij. Ooldberry'a Store. SOLICIT consignments of goods of all descriptions.^ Particular attention paid to perty. nesdays and Satnr- telling real Auction s^ee on days—day and night. Feb 14 J. R. S. DAVIS, G. A. JEFPERS. 7-3m* .h.bryan, a. l. hartridge, e. w, s. neff. Late of J. Savannah Ga., Cincinnati, O. Bryan &. Soi^ Savanh, Ga.Bryan, Hartridge & Co., COMMISSION MERCHANTS BROKERS, No. 163 Bay Street, SAVANNAH, Ga. Strict attention given to Consignments and Collections. apr 11 6m F. W. SIMS, Late of the Republican ilMS,) ( rthe > ^ ican. 3 J. F. WHEATON, Laie of the firm of ilder, Wheaton & Co.F. W. SIMS & Co., SATANNA0, OA.,FACTORS AND GENERAL cm iimmi DEALERS IN Mercliandlse, Produce, Timber, Eiumber and Cotton. Consignments and orders reg)ectfull^ solicited, and whether by wagon, river, railroad or seaj will receive the strictest attention. The Forwarding- Business carefully and promptly done. mar 7 10-6m Miller, Thomas & Co., COMMISSION & GROCERY MEBCHANTS, SAVANNAH, . . . . , GEORGIA. a. j. miller. samuel b, thomas. d. 0. livjngston. Jan 24 4-6m*J. L. VILLALONGA, COTTON FACTORmuum Ai ciissio No. 94 Bay Street, jan l-3m SAVANNAH, GA. a.J.brady, w.m.smith, e.j.moses Atlanta. Lexington. Colun^bus.Brady, Smith & CO.,com Ml FOBMDIifdMEflGHAJfTS, Savannah, : : : : : G^prgia. Will make liberal advances on Produce consigned to ns or our friends, in New York, Boston, Philadelphia or Liverpool. Agents for FAIRBANKS & CO., R. HOE & CO., STEARNS & MARVIN, and other Northern Manufactories. Refer to all the kading Merchants of the City. Nov. 8 3m W. Cakvel Hall. Jas. e. Myers. J. Hanson Thomas, Jr.Hall, Myers & Thomas GENERAL GOMMISSION No. 3, Commerce St., Baltimore. ISeierences t J. Hanson Thomas, Pres't Farmers' and Merchants' National Bank,Ti8on Gordon, Sav'h Kirkland, Chase & Co., Jno. Williams & Son, Williams, Bee & Co., N. Y., Brien & Car-rere, N. Y., C. Morton Stewart, H. L. Whitridge, D. H. Gordon, Va., Edward S. Myers, J. P. Pleasants & Son, Thos. J. Carson & Co. Wm. H. MacFarland, Pre't ITarmers' Bank,Va. Mar 14 11-6m BARGAINS!! AT OATIS & JEFFERS' 2Xr SSn i COHffiSSl H, Next to »oldberry's Sfore. The attention of the public is called to the lar^e and varied assortment of Goods of all descriptions consigned to us for saléAT AÜCTION, or at private sale, at JLtmm than Co«t. Ladies are particularly invited to call and examine our fine Goods and Prices. It is onr intention to make this the Cheap Store of Thomasville. Ó^lÉnction sales on Wednesdays and Sator- days^yandnighl. ^ ^ g G. A. JEFFEBS, Feb 1Í THE CITIIi RIOHTSBlIil.. The Èm as it Passed- Both Houses of Congfess and Repassed the Senate aver the Presidents Veto. SbotiO« 1. That all persons born in thè United States and not subject to any foreign power, exclqdtng Indians not taxed, are hereby declared to be citizens of the United States; and such citizens, of every race o* color, without regard to any.previoos condition of sla^ very or involuntary service, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall have the same right in every State and Territory to make and enforce contracts, to sue, to be sued, be parties and give evidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and personal prcpertv. and to full and eaual benefit of all laws and proceedings ibrthesèCII" rityof person and property as are enjoyed by white citizens; and shall be subject to like punishment, pains and penalties, and to none other, any law, statute ordinance, regulation or custom to the contrary notwithstanding. Sec. 2. And that any person who, under color of any law, statute, ordinance, regulation or custom, shall subject or cause to be subjected, any inhabitant of any State or Territory to the deprivation of any right secured or protected by this act, or to punishment, pains and penalties on account of such persons having at any time been held in a condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, exeept for the punishment of crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, or by the reason of his color or race, than is prescribed for the punishment of white persons, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction shall be punished by a fine not exceeding one thousand dollars, or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both, in the discretion of the court. Sec. 3. That the district coi^rts of the United States, within their respective districts, shall have, exclusively of the courts of the several States, cognizance of ali crimes and offences committed against the provisions of this act, and also concurrently with the circuit courts of all causes civil and crim inal_, affecting persons who are denied or cannot enforce in the courts or judicial tribunal of the State or locality where they pjay be, and of the rights secured to them by the first section of the act; and if any suit or prosecution, civil or criminal, has been or shall be commenced, in any State court against any such persons for cause whatsoever, civil or criminal, or any other person, any arrest or imprisonment, trespasses or wrong done or committed by virtue or under color of authority derived from this act or the act establishing a bureau for the relief of freedmen and refugees, and all acts amendatory thereof, or for ref'ising to do any act upon the g^round that it would be inconsistent with this act, such dcfendent shall have the right to remove such causo for trial to the proper district or circuit court in the manner prescribed by the act relating to habeas corpus and regulating judicial proceedings in certain cases, approved Mar. 3, 1863, and ail acts amendatory thereof. The jurisdiction in civil or criminal matters hereby conferred on the district and circuit courts .of the United States, shall be exercised and enforced in conformity with the laws ot the U. States, so far as such laws are suitable to carry the same into effect ; but in all cases where such laws are not adapted to the object or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish common law as modified and changed by the constitution and statutes or the State wherein the court having jurisdiction of the cause, civil or criminal, is held, so far as the United States, shall be extended, and govern the said court in the trial^and disposition of such cause, and, if of a criminal nature, in the infliction of punishment on the party found guilty. [The above three sections constitute the gist of the bill, and although wc omit much of it, the remainder refers principally to the execution.]—Editor. PRBNTIC£ ON BBpWNIiOW. Takinii off the Hide as well as tke Cnticle, [From the Louisville Journal.] Parson Brownlow, the Irreverend Governor of Tennessee, has published one of his characteristically low and dirty articles about us in the Knoxville W hig. lu that article, he ha s not stated a single truth, or anything approximating to a truth. When he sits down to abuse anybody, lies cluster around his pen like blue-bottle flies around a hprse^sears in July or August. He lies with his pen, lies with his tongue, lies with his gestures, lies through every pore of his yellow and shrivelled hide. Lies issue from his mouth like the homed locusts from the throat of ^t other great beast de-scribedi in the Apocalypse. He is probably the "father" of as many li^ as tlie homed and tailed master he serves. The Parson is now a fierce abolitionist. He goes as far in radicalism as the lowest and the worst radical in the nation. He .would gMdly bathe his hands and feet and wash his faoe in the blood of any man who is not a radical. In May, 1860, when the firc-eatens, among whom he claimed to be a leader, broke up the Democntlio jmrty by forcing two Democratic €»Bdidates upon it with the settled pur|ose of getting Mr. Lino^on ejected, and then using his election as a pretext to destroy the Union, he was probably more ferocious against the radicals, more vengeful and revengeful toward Ihem, than any other editor in the cot^try. The following from a letter oflifs, dated May, 1860^ $0 the Rev. Mr. Pryne, a Northern man, whom he hatid with a fiendish hate for having defeated him overwhelmingly in a public controversy at Philadelphia, will show what sort of position he occupied at that time: "But, sir, the South can in two months enter into an alliance With either England or France, commercial and political, offensive and defensive, and in either case it will be utter ruin to the Northern States of this Confederacy. England a«^ France want our Rice, Tobacco, and Cotton^ but they don't want the Manufactures of New England. An alliance between Eng:-land and these Southern States will break the existing tariff system, discriminating in favor of New England manufactories, as a rope of sand, and scatter all your hopes to the winds,and coming at once in ccllision with your ancient competitor, and her low wages, without that protection which has built up all your cities and towns, you must be destroyed. Whenever such an alliance shall be formed, and oi^r cotton and other products are landed at either Liverpool or Havre, and purchased again at high rates. New England will see the handwriting on the wall. sir^ would favor an alliance with France as a means of more efiectually punishing and starving out the Abolitionists of the North. The far-seeing monarch of the French would unite with us on our own terms, as it would afford him an opportunity to crush the commerce and manufactures of Old England, and make her feel that she is dependant upon her ancient enemy, as well as atone for villainous treatment of his illustrious uncle, Napoleon Bonaparte. Dissolve this Union, you infamous villains, and we shall make this proposition at oncc to Louis Napoleon, a most sagacious monarch, and he would quarter at New Orleans 200,000 Frenchmen, & at Chesapeake 200,000 more; we would then command^the Mississippi Valley, whip the Northwestern States into our Southern Confederacy, and we would then turn upon New England States, and cause the hurricane oicivil war to rage and sweep from Mason and Dixon's line to the cod-fislieries of Maine, until we would extinginsh the last abolition foothold on the continent of America; face to face, knife to knife, steel to steel, and pike to pike, we would meet you, and as we would cause you to bleed at every pore, we would make you regret in the bitter agonies of death, that you had ever felt any concern for the African race ! ^'Sir, if the fanatical, wicked, and infernal course pursued by you and your unprificipled associates is continued, the result will be as I hav3 said^ and you or your children will live to see it. P lie faced poverty and dismay are staring soTiie of your manufactories and operatives in the face. We are sending our orders to England and France for goods, and driving your hell-deserving freedom-sbriekers into the holding of Union meetings and making these against their wills, curse all agitators of the slavery question, and resolve that John Brown and his murderous associates got only justice when hung at Charlestown ! Carry on your war if you choose, death rather than life, and we will stain every swamp in the South with yours and our own blood, and with the vengeance of an infuriated foe we will be upon you io the North, at the hour of midnight, and as long as a lucifer match can be found we will burn up your substan^." Brownlow was for having all these horrors perpetrated if the fanatics of the North should keep up their warfare upon slavery, that is^ if they should do exactly what he himself afterwards, and very soon afterwards did—did before slavery was abolished by the war. He was for a battle ot sections if the Northern fanatics should continue their clamor ; he was for an alliance offensive and defensive, in that event, be' tween the Southern States and France or England; he was for having France place 200,000 men at Ne^ Orleans, and 200,000 men at Chesiapeake; he was for taking possession of the whole Mississippi valley from the Balize to the Falls of St. Anthony, whipping the Northwestern States into his Southern Confederacy, and then turning upon New England and causing the hurricane of civil war to rage from Mason's and Dixon's line to the cod-fisheries of the North, and burning the Northern cities and towns with the midnight torch. And these were not his views and resolves as a hot-headed boy, or'a person in the prime of life ; they were the maligoant declarations of a white-haired^ gray-bearded old man, upwards of fifty, it not full sixty years of age. They were the utterances of a preacher, of a pretended dispenser of the Gospel of Christ, of one caljing himself a man of God. No traitors in all the South have ever exhibited more of the hellish spirit of treason than he. He published the infernal language that we have cited when perhaps no other man in all the world would have defiled his mouth or paper with it to save bis neck from the hangman's halter. He showed himself a walking volcano, tfith snow upon his peak and alt hell in his bosom. It is most extraordinary and most disgraceful that any portion of the people of Tennessee, knowing this man as they all did, voted to make him Governor of that State. Thoir only excuse must be, that they were under military rule, and so not really free agents in his election. No other State was ever afflicted and disgraced and cursed with such an unmitigated and unmitigable, such an unredeemed and unredeemable, blackguard as her Chief Magistrate. He is a parody, a caricature, a broad burlesque on all possible Governors. He is a monstrosity. H8 is a thing as much out of nature as Barnum's coolly horse, or his giants and dwarfs, or his calf with two heads and eight* legs—four of the le^ pointing towards the zenith. His bio 3d is hellbroth, which Satan will one day sup with a long spoon.— They say there is fire in him, but it is hell-fire, every particle ^ of it.— Though he is but a single swine, there are as many devils in him as there were ia the whole herd that ^^ran violently down a steep place into the sea. His heart is nothing but a hissing knot of vipers, rattlesnakes, cçbras, and cot-ton-mouths. He never argued a question in his life, approaching no subject but with fierce, bitter, coarse, low, and vulgar objurgations. His ton^e should be bored through and through ' with his own steel-pen, heated red hot. This man, as we have said, calls himself a clergyman He holds forth in pulpits. He preaches, prays and exhorts, draws down his face, drops the corners of his mouth, and undertakes to look sanctimonious. And yet he seems always tryins: in his pulpit discourses to see under how thin a disguise he can venture to curse and swear and blaspheme. He can't offer up a prayer in the house of God without telling the Lord what an infernal scoundrel, damned th'ef or cursed vagabond this, that or the other neighbor is. From his youth up to his old age, he has had no personal controversies without attacking the wives, fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, children, uncles, aunts, and nephews of his opponents. He has sought to strew his whole path of life with the dark wrecks of wantonly ruined reputations. He has never had an hour's happiness except in the unhappÍAess of others. He has ever said to Evil "be thou my good T' He has always carefully dotted down all that he heard unfavpr-able to gentlemen while professing to be their friend, so as to be ready for the day of alienation. ,He howls venom, talks venom, breathes venom, bclches venom, coughs venom, sneezes venom, spits venom, drools venom, sweats venom, stinks venom, and distils venom from his nose. Not the fuliginous exhalations from the bottomless pit, not the fire-and-brimstone fumes from the sooty throat of the de* vil, were ever more blighting and blasting than his accursed serpent-breath. He never had a friend on earth outside of his own family. No doubt there are those who fear him for his fiendish ferocity, but no human being not of his own household ever loved or respcted him.' He will yet have his reward. Sowing in wrath, he will reap in ago^ ny. Faiy and hate may stifle in his heart the'feeling of remorse for a time, but Nemesis, with her horrid whip, will yet scourge him around the whole orb of being. All the hairs upon his head will seem to him to be snakes liko the hissing and forked-tongued locks of Eumenides. When he shall retire, as soon he must, from the noisy and tumultous strifes that have ever engaged and still engage all his thoughts, he will not have a solitary pleasant and serene memory of the past. On the contrary, a store of bitter and desolate and torturing recollections will corrode and eat up his very heart, until, cut off from ail human sympathies, exiled from the pale of all the beautiful genialities of life, having no friends or companions around him to soothe him in his moral ánd physical solitude, deserted by mankind, whose enemy he has been, and loathed by God whose holy temples he has sacreligiously desecrated by his horrid mockeries of religion, festering from head to foot with the polluted and poisonous puddle^wa-ter in his veins, standing as an outcast and paria on the lone desert of despair, shrinking from the past, agonized by the present, and not daring to gaze in^ to the future, beholding in fan<^ upon the door of his own soul the wcMrds. "Hope comes not here that comes to aU," shut up by murkiest clouds from every stir that to others lights the path to the tomb, and writhing under myriad curses and execrations pUed like a mountain of living coals upon his head, he shall long at last to make his escape from earth—scarcely asking to what more dreadful destiny. « I say, Mr. aint^ou Oweu SmiAT' Fes, I am owiu ones. ^y^ » 1 and owin» Brown, and owin? ctvl^bpdy. A lying on hearth-mg ||ith his nose in his tail is thè emblem of Economy. He mài es böfch ends* meet. A. K. STJBPHKIVS SBF«li£ 'VlfK RBMKSTB¿J€TIOIf all'ex««. This world would be mnoh i^pier if people would mind their owo affaiiB. Bis Tiews IVeur* S«ffir«se. We find in our Northern exchanges a full report of the evidence of Hon. A. H. Stephens before the Ke-constrnotion Committee, from which we take the following, not included in the telegraphic synopsis published in the News and Herald of Saturday. Mr. Stephens' views in regard to negro suffrage and the constitutional rights of the States will be read-with universal interest and approval by the people of Georgia. Q^^—^What is the public sentiment of Georgia with regarà to the exteiuiioii of the right of voting to the negroes ? A.—The general opinion in the State is very much averse to it. Q.—K a prop« sitien were ma^e to amend the constitution so as to have representation in Congress based upon voters substantially, would Georgia ratify such a proposed amendoient if it were made a condition precedent to the restoration of the State to political power in the Government ? A.—I do not think they would. The peofle of Georgia, in my judgment, as far as I can reflect or represent their opinions, feel that they are entitled, under the constitution of the United States, to repre.^entation without any further condition precedent. They would not object to entertain, discuss and exchange views in the common councils of the country, with the other States, upon such a proposition, or any proposition to amend the Constitution or change it in any of its featirtes, and they would abide by any change, if made as the Constitution provides ; but they feel that they arc constitutionally entitled to be heard, by their Senators and members in the Houses of Congress, upon this or any other proposed amendment. I do not, therefore, think that they would ratify that amendment suggested as'a cond -tion precedent to her being admitted to representation in Congress. Such, at least is my opinion. Q.—It is, then, yonr opinion, that, at present, the people of Georsrià would neither be willing to extend suffrage to the negroes, nor consent to the ex elusion of the negroes from the basis of representation ? A.—The people of Georgia, in my judgment, are perfectly willing to leave suff^ge, and the basis of representation where the Constitution leaves it. They look upon the question of suffrage as one belonging exclusively to the States, one over which, and under the Constitution of the United States, Congress has no jurisdiction, power or control, except in proposing amendments to the States and not in exacting them from them; and I do not think, therefore, that the people of Georgia, whiie thej^ are disposed, as I believe earnestly, to deal fairly, justly .and generously with the freedmen^ would be willing to consent to a change in the Constitution that would give Congress jurisdiction over the question of suffrage; and especially would they be very much averse to Congress exercising any such jurisdiction witìiottt their representatives in the Senate and House being heard in the public councils upon the question that so vitally concerns their internal policy, as well as all the internal policy of all the States. Q.—If the proposition were to be submitted to Georgia, as one of the eleven States lately in rebellion, that she might be restored to political power in the Government of the country npon the condition precedent that she should, on the one hand extend suffrage to the negro, or on the other consent to their exclusion from the basis of representation, would she accept either proposition and take her place in. the Government of the country ? A.— I can only give my opinion. I do not think she wouid accept *eith^ er as a condition precedent presented by Congress ; for they do not believe that Congress has the rightful power, under the Constitution to prescribe such a condition. If Georgia is a State in the Union her people feel that she is entitled to representation without conditions imposed by Congress; and if she is not a State in the Union then she could not bé admitted as an equal with the others, if her admission were trammeled with eonditions that do not apply to all the rest alike.— General, universal suffirage apiong the colored people as they are now, would, by our people, be regarded as about as great a political evil as could befidl them. Q.—If the proposition were to extend the right of suffrage to those who could read and those who had served in the Union armies, would that modification aAeict the aetion of the State; A.—I think the people of the Sítate would be unwilling, to do more than they'^d for restoration j^restricted or limited suffirage wouM not be so ob^ jectionable ad general or universal, but it iff a matter that belongs to thè StaW to re|itlate. The quoBtion of 9u|ñragey whether ^vénal or restricted, is one of State ez^^nnte^, as tbèy believe. Individwlly, I sfaoidd net be opposed to a predi' iy8tei*i,.of restricted or lináted ffi^rag^ to^&t elass of oor p^ulatloiki but in my judgment it ift a matter that hetongs of constitutional right to the States to reflate exclusively, each for itself. But the people of that State, as I have said, would not willingly, I think, do more than they have done fot restoration. The only view, in their opinion, that could possiÛy justify the war which was earned on by the Federal Government against them was the idea of the Indissolubleness of the Union, that those who held the administration for the time were bound to enforce the execution of the laws, and the maintenance of the integrity of the Union under the Constitution ; and since that was accomplished, since those who had iBssumed the contrary principle, the right of seqeèàoti, and the r^MTved sovereighty of the States, had abandoned their cause, and tho admiuistration here was successful in maintaining the idea upon which it was proclaÎQ^ed and waged, and the only view in.which thèy sti^po^d it could be justified at all, and when that was accomplished I say the people of Georgia supposed their State was immediately entitled to all her rights under the Constitution. That is my opinion of the sentiment of the people of Georgia, and I do not think they would be willing to do anything further as a condition precedent to their being permitted to enjoy the full measure of their constitutional righis. I only give my opinion of the sentiment of the people, at the time they expected, that as soon as the Confederate cause was abandoned that immeiiiately tho States would be brought back into their practical relations with the Government as previously constituted.— That is what they looked to. They expected that the State would immediately have its Representatives in the House, and they expected in good faith, as loyal men, as the term is frequently \ised, (I mean by it, loyal to law and order, and to the Constitution,) to support the Government under the Constitution. That was their policy ! They did what they did, believing it was best for the protection of constitutional liberty. Toward thè Constitution of the United States, as they construed it, the great mass of our people were always as much devoted in their feelings as any people tp any causé. This is my opinion, as I remarked, before they reported to secession, with a view of maintaining mere sccurely these principles, and when they found they were not suc- oc^fal in their ^jpot, in perfect fifOOd faith, as far as I can judge from meeting with them and conversing with tnem, looking to futuro developments of their country in its material resources, as well as its moral and intellectual progress, their earnest desire and expectation was to allow the past struggle, lamentable as it was in its results, to pass by, and to co-operate with the tme friends of the Constitution—those of all sections who earnestly strive for the preservation of constitutional liberty and the perpetuation of the Government in its purity.— They have been a little disappointed in this, and are so now. They are patiently waiting, however, and believing that when the passions of the hour have passed away this delay in resto-ratioii will cease. They think they have done everything that was essential and proper, and my judgment is that they would not be willing to do anything further as a condition precedent. They would simply remain quiet and passive. Q.^Does your own judgment approve the view you have given as the opinion of the people of the State? A.—My owii judgment is very decided that the question of suffrage belongs under the Constitution, and wisely too, to the States respectivly and exclusively. Q.— Is it your opinion that neither of the alternatives suggested in the question ought to be accepted by the people of Georgia ? A.—My own opinion is, that these terms ought not to be offered as conditions precedent. In other words, my opinion is that it would be best for the peace, harmony and prosperity of the whole country that tuere should be an immediate restoration, and im^ mediate bringing back of the States into their original relations, and let all these questions then be discussed in common'council. Then the representatives of thé South could be heard, and you and all could judge much better of the tone and temper of the people thanjyou could of the opinions given by any individuala. You may take my opinion or the opinion of any individual, but they will not enable you to judge of the cc^itioD of the people of the State so well as for her own representatives to be heard in your public councils, in her own behalf. My judg ment, therefore, is very decided that it would have been better, as ^n as the lamentable conflict was over^ when the people of the South abandoned their cause and agreed to accept the issue, desiring as they do to resume their, places for the future in tho Union, Moâ to look to the halls of €oa gzess, and tfa« Go^urta f<Mr the protection o£ t?ieir rights in the Union-4fc would bave been better to allow that result to follow under the policy ado^ ^ed by tiie Administration than to ae-niy it ér binder it by propositions to amend the Constitution in respect to Mtng^ or any other new matter. I [céNTINtTBD on 8BCOJVD PAGE.] ;