Guardian, January 19, 1887


January 19, 1887

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Issue date: Wednesday, January 19, 1887

Pages available: 40 - Used by the World's Finest Libraries and Institutions
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Publication name: Guardian

Location: London, Middlesex

Pages available: 79,200

Years available: 1846 - 1901

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All text in the Guardian January 19, 1887, Page 1.

Guardian (Newspaper) - January 19, 1887, London, Middlesex I L � No. 2146.-Three Sheets. WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 19, 188 7. Price...... 6dL By Post,.. 6%d. T HE WEEK. i capniuiaiB, a-reGoncuiawon wiu oe easy. jxtr. vjriauauuuo ji�bi anuwiju^ mora . to remain on the land? It Is not mi i- j ,t x � r j T,, * . only to consent to put Home Enle in the second rank of their land, except on condition of paying rent for it. and that The time and the circumstances of Lord Iddesleigh's T ^, , , . . . , , , , . � � .5 �.. , �"vluft louv . ' ��_  _ . ....... I Irish measures. Mr. Chamberlain has onlv to consent to nut I is a condition thev are nv iho, Tivnnf.Vioaia nn.kla na�fnmi WEEK. �i 1 I 1 m capitulate, a reconciliation will be easy. Mr. Gladstone has 4 _ them to remain on the land? It is not death have aaturrfily deepened the regrek-in some cases we something keener than regret-excited by the may treat ent his dw friends have dealt out to hi There have been few more signal instances of party ingratitude, and, as the event has shown, of party short-sightedness, than the easures, Mr, Chamberlain has only to consent to put is a condition they are by the hypothesis unable to perfon it in the first rank, and peace is at once made. But what It is not land on which they can live in decent comfort even sort of a peace will be the peace that follows on such a if it were given to them in fee simple, so that even a Land surrender? Whichever has made the move will have Act which simply confiscated the landlord's interest for said farewell to principle and consistency, and have made it the benefit of the tenant would leave them no better off. banishment of Sir Stafford Northcote from the'House of ^ ^!n3^�** tte only battle worth sharing in The real remedy for such cases as these is emigration, Commons. No doubt his conception both of leadership and of Conservatism was wholly different from that of the man who is the battle between the Outs and the Ins. Even if we put I but the only plan that seems in favour with Irish the case on the very lowest grounds, it is hard to believe that Nationalists is that these tenants should be encouraged ix jv o- cu 4* j -vr j jj , � it can be the interest either of Mr. Gladstone or of Mr. I to remain on holdings which cannot support them thereby supplanted mm. Sir Stafford Northcote foresaw, very much \ n. , , . . , , , . ... I., . . x, , fl n �upjjui.u wwui, buerwuy * � 1 Chamberlain to make such a confession as this. depriving the landlord of any profit which he might possibly earlier than many of us, that the inevitable play of political _ ^ i � js j.i i i - . ^ , , , . - - forces must ultimately arrange Conservatives and Moderate The meetlnS of Foment, now happily little more than out of the land, either by taking it into his own hands, Liberals in one party, and Radicals of all shades in another. a W6ek off' TU do mucn to clear the air of vaSue �rbf lettmg ad^erent. class of tenants. It is the expectations with which it is now charged. During the m08t �Pen assertion of confiscation that has yet been made; His theory of the function of a Conservative Opposition at least this is how we read his actions-was that it should be I recess a Government can only show of what stuff it is made md we are sorry to see its entire incompatibility witl a sort of camp of refuge to which Liberals who had learnt to ^solute administration, and in the present, condition, at common honesty unnoticed by some who have the less distrust their Radical companions should naturally turn. So once of Ireland and of criminal procedure, resolute adminis- excuse J.0^T^^' Tat if they do not long as it fulfilled this function Sir Stafford Northcote was Nation is surrounded-with exceptional difficulties. The pro- repeat, tne ^ighth Go andment at lealt once a week. indifferent to immediate party successes, and had his secution of Mr. Dillon is no better than a mischievous farce, yet r. Goschen's address to the electors of the Exchange followers been equally so the Conservatives might now have been reaping the harvest he wished the nless he had beenprosecuted under the existinglaw Ministers division of Liverpool is, in effect, an appeal to Englishmen -a i,--i.i,�x xi,---i-----1-j------j_ Ii? to close their ranks in face of a coT*~~~ A-----" to wait for. cou^ n�t ^ave pleaded that the existing law was inadequate din on danger. The coalition with the Liberal Unionists, which Lord to meet hjs case. No doubt they are now suffering under Though he and Lord Harhngton have given different answei-s Salisbury has lately laboured to bring about, might the natural consequences of their decision not to renew the Jo Lord Salisbury, those^ answers have alike been dictated by this time have been an accomplished fact. So far Crimes Act when they came into office in 1885. But matters Jy desire^to maintain itoe legislative union between the unwillingness of Liberal Unionists to take the step has in Ireland are to� serioU8 to be made the occa8io4 of personal treat Britain and Ireland. All that has happened in Ireland been due in a large measure to the dislike and distrust with or recriminations, and if the" Government do their duty the General Election has only sti-engthened the convic which they have regarded Lord Randolph Churchill, and now we are quite willing to forget that they left it undone a Jum of the majority of Englishmen thatto give her a separate would not have existed had the Conservatives continued to year and a half ago. If the _ announcement in yesterday's Legislate with an Executive responsible to it would mean take their tone fro Sir Stafford Northcote. His displace- Standard is correct the Government are prepared, as soon as " not only disaster to hoth coxxntries, but an abando llll ent of ment earned for the party a reputation for ingratitude and Parhament meete, to show their determination by legislation. *atlonal -an abandonment which would disgrace for preference of success to principle which has greatly A Bill to enable them to deal more effectually with the ?0Pular government and ultimately free institutions. In retarded that fusion with Moderate Liberals which the agrarian conspiracy will at once be introduced, and to take J^erence to his own special department Mr Goschen made away all excuse for raising the cry of coercioi^it will be but one remar�- He will not extract one shilling more fro ade applicable to the whole of the United Kingdom. The people than is "essential for the discharge of those difficulty of getting a verdict in Ireland, no matter how " national duties which it would be a crime to neglect." interest of the country makes so desirable. The readiness to sacrifice himself which Lord Iddesleigl showed in 1885 ought to have protected him agairiay apparent repetition of the same treatment, really expedient that Lord Salis an i -  * shou to say. The Prime Minister Foreign-office we cannot has in any case so much authority in the conduct of foreign affairs, and in the case of Lord Salisbury had so much more intimate a knowledge of them than Lord Iddesleigh could possibly lay clai: to, mattered but little under w and knowledge were brought into play. But if the change was expedient it should at all events have been made after frank consultation with Lord Iddesleigh, and with r the imposition on him of the smallest sacrifice that the circumstances required. The best excuse that can be made for the Government is that in the terror excited by Lord Randolph Churchill's resignation they for the time lost their heads. Happily, any slights that Lord Iddesleigh may have sustained at the hands of his colleagues or his party are already almost forgotten in the universal regret which his death has caused among his countrymen. The conference between, Sir William Harcourt and Mr. Morley on the one side, and Mr. Chamberlain and Sir George Trevelyan on the other, has met twice, and has been adjourned till after the meeting of Parliament. Up to this time, therefore, even Lord HerschelFs persuasive ingenuity has failed to find a modus vivmdi between Unionists and Home Rulers. l As the mere act of going into conference implies a wish to subject every possible basis of reunion to an exhaustive examination, it is not wonderful that two afternoons have not iations to an end. In the meantime brought the n Liberal Union^ts hankering after reconciliation may learn from the proceedings at the meeting of the Dorset Liberal Association yesterday week w;hat t^^viiiust be p^pfM?edto undergo before their wishes can b� rtolise^ 0f temper may explain, but it cannot excuse^Lo^p^l^tQn's language to Liberals like Lord Stalbridge Because in common with the majority of they differ from Mr. Gladstone on a single point-and that one which down to the last election was unknown in ] politics-they are declared to be only fit to live with Tories, and in the case of Mr. Porhnan charged, in the very t^oth of evidence and pro Oh , with underhand attempts to ake a brother lose his electio: The of the scene is that, whatever five gentlemen sitting round a table in Graf ton-street may bring themselves to say, the hostility between the Home Rule and the Unionist Liberals ij� the country is too deep to be easily laid to rest. There is no reasons however, to suppose that the conference will lead to any agreement, except an agreement to differ. Of course, if clear the evidence may be, if the defendant is a popular Lord Randolph Churchill can hardly assail this definitio et by provisions for eh^nging the.venue of a Chancellor of the Exchequer's duty, unless he will magistrates admit that, had he remained in office, he would have bee: be summonmg will be empowered 3 unes> with charges of inciting cont6nt lew T ^ay of revenue than the discharge to conspiracy, intimidation, and boycotting, though they of nati�nal duties demands. will not be, able to pass a more seyerd prisonment* ^ Annare three onths* i propose to bring thi^ Bill forward. r * any change in the rules of proce sentence than I meetings were held this day week at St. James's Palace tly Ministers Im* at the Mansion-house in support of the Imperial ,,.thout waiting for Jn^tt^ which it is proposed to found in commemoration if this is so of the Queen's Jubilee. The committee appointed by the we think they are right. We have but #Mmited faith in the Prmce of Wales to frame a scheme for the Institute have capacity of any system of procedure to completely put down recommended that it shall include the United Kingdom as obstruction, and if the Government show a firm front, and wel1 as Iridia and the Colonies, and that the site shall be at the Liberal Unionists give them hearty support, no amount South Kensington. No fault can be found with so obvious of obstruction can very seriously delay the passage of such a conclusion that an Imperial Institute ought to embrace a Bill as this. If it were known to be hung up until new the whole Empire, provided that it is not forgotten that rules of procedure had been adopted all the forces ^ere is far more need to make England better acquainted of obstruction would be used to defeat the and ii with the colonies than' to make the colonies better acquainted such a multitude of particulars as they would necessarily with England. As to the site, South Kensington has the present obstruction might find unexpected allies in all parts advantage that it can be had for nothing, whereas the necessary land could not be got elsewhere for less than fro: a quarter to half a million. of the House. We have touched in another column upon one aspect of the Glenbeigh evictions. It is admitted on both sides that the The German Parliament remained proof against Prince tenants owe several years' rent, and that they might have Bismarck's arguments, and on Friday threw out the Army avoided the present evictions if they had paid a single half- Bill by carrying an amendment granting the number of year of these arrears. Whether their refusal to pay is due men demanded for three years instead of seven. The to poverty or to the action of the National League is moment the numbers were announced Prince Bismarck disputed, but considerable colour is given to the latter read an Imperial decree dissolving the Parliament, and the explanation by the activity which the agents of the members at once separated. The interest of the situation � H League have shown for some time past. If the w now transferred to the constituencies, and very opposite tenants had had no money which they might have been expectations are expressed as to the decision they will tempted to pay to the agent in order to keep a roof over their pronounce. Both Prince Bismarck and the majority heads, it may be doubted whether Mr. Harrington, M.P., in the late Reichstag have a case with which to would have spent so much of his time in preaching the duty go to the country. APrince Bismarck can plead the gravity of resistance to landlord demands. As we have elsewhere of the situation abroad and his own unequalled knowledge assumed that the tenants will not pay, we will here assume of what Germany needs to face that situation with composure. that they cannot pay. This is no case, it must be remem- The Opposition can plead that under a Parliamentary Con- bered, of a harsh landlord refusing to give a tenant a little stitution the army ought to be subject to a Parliamentary vote, ear the rent and that they really strained a point in favour of the Govern-Nothing ment when they consented to forego th^t control even for three in a time to get his rent toge which a tenant can that has ever been proposed in ever been s the necessities of tenants, soine nine years' rent, years. Indeed, it is the contention true contention, of their advocates in the Englie owe as has j years. It ma$hapj>en that the very extent of Prince Bismarck's te against his getting what he asks t. If it rested with the electors e, would meet reserved powers ma; as even ess is five | to say w the among English clergymen, that these ever be able to pay rent, and that their holdings are so m h r r i e^army should be placed on a footing whicl declare to be i mvaaio the greatest civilian in Germany to secure the Fatherland against possible dismemberment, there are not many Atil'wno would care to refuse the demand. But it does poor that even if* they wera^^^i^ t>p th^m rentt^ree they not f^st Vthei are more ways than one in which either Mr. Chamberlain or r. is could not make a livelihood pffi theni. If this ts so, where is Prince Bismarck pan get what he wants without any disrespect to justice to the landlord or tii^ to themselves of to the Constitution, and one or other of these he is ;