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Atlas (Newspaper) - August 11, 1838, London, Middlesex TRANSMISSION OF '�THE ATLAS" BY - POST TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES. ' ff^e are indwBi, hy num�roti* appUcationi on thit subject, to state, for the information of our Subscribers, that " The Atlas " tmy be transmiited free of postage, through the General Post Offices, to the following places: AxniQVA. Bbbbiob BttbnosAtbbs Obpbalomia, Dbmebaba OibbaltjIb Hahbubgh) Jamaica Bagota Bbbmoda Canada Golvhbia Denmabk Obbnada (Nbvt) Hbugoland Laouira Babauas Bbazus CXbacoas Cobbo Dominica Gbbece Honddbas Maita Babbadoes Bbbubn ' Cabthagbma Cuxhavbn Fbanob Haufax Ionian Isi.es Montsebbat "The Atlas" can also be ttansmitted, upon payment of one penny, to India-Ca?b op Good Hopb-^Nbw Sooth Wales. To all other places it may be fonearded upon the payment of two pence. Nevis Newfoundland New Beunswick Nova Scotia Qdbbeo Spain (via Cadiz) St. Dohinqo St. Kitt's St. Lucia St. Vincent's Tobago ToaxoLA Trinidad Zante No. 639. Vol. XIII.] SATURDAY, AUGUST 11, 1838 r EARLY EDITION LIN TIME FOR POST. TlEIB ATLAS OF THIS.DAY CONTAINS':-- page The YoUtldan................ 49? East Indian abd Coldiiial Atlas.. 498 i^oreignNewB................ �8 ,lmpeHal?iu-liament.499 BrRUhNews 501 Meetiiigs..'....................501 Scotland....................... 501 liiw HiEftJbrts................... 501. As^ze UtelUgence..............'501 'PolijBO' Offices.'. .........501 Accidents and Offence...........501 Omniam....................... 502 Mscellanea....... 502 'TlieatrldSl Intelligence......... .'502 '.Satttrd^'s News........^.'....^. 502 Weeldy Retrospect of the Money ^ Market..........^........... 503 '!Lea^i% Articles........503 Decline br FuliiQmable'NovelB.;^ 504 ' TheatH6alS' Jnroni the French , of M. GoiiOtl.................504 pagb A Philosophical and Statistical History of the Inventions ai$d Customs of Ancient and Ilodem Nations in the Manufacture and Use of Inehilating Liquors, &c. 505 New Zealand} belnjj a Narrative of TraviBls and Adventures during a Besidence in that v Country, between the Years' 183land 1837..........505 FfaeArts......v7?r........... 506 Litertury and Scientiflc|Iiutitu-'. - tiQiifl**'* k'� *507'. Ecclesiastical and University In-: telligence.................. 507 The Navy.................... w. SOT The Army.................... 507 Gazettes-....................... 607 Birthi, Itbrrtajfes, and Deaths . 507 Banldng and l^onetary Atlas.... 507 Commercial Miscellanefi.......i 510 The Markets...................510 Advertisements.......... 511 THE POLITICIAN. IRISH POLICY OF MINISTERS. TiM�s--.^It has happened, not imfrequenflyv^^^m days of philosophical oiscoveiyi that appearanees of ex>. temal nature, nuzzling at first sight, and seemingly irreconcilable with oQe another, have all been solved and harmonized by a reference to some one simple pervading principle. . Perhaps in liVe manner even the irregularities and variations of the politidal world may be found, upon inature ibtee^ation, less inexphcable t^ a careless spectator wot^ld' be apt, to imagine. We will illustrate our meaning^ by an example*, suggested.tp us by last Friday's . debate m the House of Lords. A Whig ministry introduces^ In 1834 a measnre for the settlement of Irish tithe, by convennon.' bf it into'rent-charge, at a great sacrificed of ecclesiastical revenue; which measure the tTpper H!onse of Parliament, not then ripe for so extensive a change, and not willing to impdse on the public certain p^ecuniary burdens connected with the detaus of thatparT ticular proposal, decline to enact. That ministrjr, having been expelled from office, the same measure, divested of its fiscal objections, is proposed by a Conservative go^ yenjimenti u^on which the same persons wlio had introduced the onginal proposition get up a fierce and suoaess-Mresistance^ laying down i^e broaa principle, that any such adjustment will be worse than U8eless,unless accom-r panied by a pirovision for applying a part, at least, of 'the church properly to secular uses; and upon this principle, as.upon a stepping-stoiie, they remount into office. Being thus reinstated, they propose a bill with two stSts of clauses-r-one coinciding in substance with the two former plans for converting tithe into rent-charge; the other proposing to sequester, for secular uses, a portion of the property of the church. The first of these two sets of clauses being acceptable to all parties, but the second altogether inadmissible by the friends of the church, it'is proposed, on the part of the Conservatives, in order to save the first set of c]iauses ftom being sacrificed in tbe rejection of the whole, that the two sets^ instead of being included in one bill, be made the subject of two distinct biJIs, so as to pass the Uthe arrangetiaeht unanimouslyii and leave the other question, of appropriation, to be discussed on its own grounds; and the ratheiii because the two subjects are wholly distinct ia their natures-the one relating only to the mode ofcollecting the church income, the other to the application of that income when collected. Upo^ this the Whigs, Who for many years had been de-cldminlf against tne system of tithe collection as the soujicc of olrelandV disquiet, turn round and insist that what the majority of the Irish people require is not merely relief from the modef of levy, but share' of the money levied: that without such participation the conversion of tithe into rent-charge � will but incense, and justly, the maltreated multitudes of Ireland; thattithe-conversiouj therefore, and appropriar tion, shall be one and indivisible. Unable, however, in 1835 or in 1836, to force upon the House of Lords or upon , the opinion of coinscientious England, the dishonest e^ac meut to which this gentle name of "appropriation^' is given, and finding, in 1837, the public indignation rising every day higher against it, they postpone the hazardous question^ on which defeat would have been dismissal, till th? end pf the sessiop, and then the demise of the crown comes tp their relief. A general election having taken place, it becomes obvious that the appropriation clauses, if attempted by ministers^ will be rejected by the new House of Commons. A bill, therefore, is prepared, excluding those clauses altogether-just such ^ bill, in short, as would have passed in ^835, if the ministry had not then insisted that the measure was absolutely indivisible. That sepaiationi which they then rejected as fatal to Ireland, they now adopt and make their own, protesting tiiat the appropriation principle is stiliindeed a veiy fine thing in the abstract; .but that, practically, the oiJy way to settle Ireland is to do what tliey turned oiit a Conservative government for attempting-thatis, to pass a bill converting tithe into rent-charge, and leave appropriation to take its chance with some more enlighteniBa generation. All this they do against the protest, real or affected, of that section of the Irish representatives by whose lights they profess to be guided in their Iriisn policy, and who now assure them that this emasculated bill is a mockery; and one of their own body, their Secretary at War, proclaims his opinion pretty much in the same strain, and, to the consternation of his coU^agues in the cabinet, serves the Irish church with public ncMice to quit. . �6rD.BROUGH4lM AND TipiES SCOTCH. Morning ' Chroniclet-Lord Brougham's speech on Friday night (August 3d) has provoked the following compliment to - his lordslup and the Scotch from the Standard:^ ... The school iu whieh Lord BKOOgliBin vas bred, the Edinburgh Vfhig. Jacobin school of thlrty^flve years agd, was a concentratloii of allthe vices proper;to provincial nanoW'mindedness. and provincial ^apite. Composed for the most pact of pe^nyless: but energetical adventareiB, some of them of talent, aU. of tbem men of the most andoubting aeIf nothing.... How could they-� in their gwn '.estimation ,the irise, and^the^only wise,, of the earth- ackno]i|rl0d|ge the existence pf a �. Providence' to condemn them to pr6^ iri|ibialc9l9>cntity, pauperism, and cutaneous oomplaints?' In this temper#iQy invaded:thQ south; andthough prosperity and brhoslone ife-mov^d^heoaiise of their restless irritation, the habit remaiued-r-ahabit of treatfn|f men as mere machinery-women as Lord Brougham's speeches and^Wf poor-law treat them-r-and the Almighty Creator as nothin^as a b^f not tobe acknowledged at all. or acknowledged only aa at a dis-taiu�)!l'^nd without influence, in courteous compliance merely with ex-istlY^ prejudices. Th'i iytewrfarrfhais^ot even the merit of originality in this MUngsgate. The staple of it is to be found in th? Shef-i)[e]i4 pamphlet) firoin wnich we made extracts a few weeks agp, that described the noble and learned lord as having iifft^ bom in the Cowgate, one of the lowest quarters of old town of Edinburgh. ' If he had risen from this I^jtimble condition, the' more would have been his merit j pij^lie fact is not so: Lord Brougham's father was a gen-^^m^n of old fanuly and respectable estate in Westmore-Wnd. i by the mother's side he was cbsel^ related to Dr. f'ol)ertson, the celebrated historian. Principal of the diversity of Edinburgh. Another niear relative was a ^dge of the Court of Session.' Thes^' are no doubt infiing matters; but the'editor,of the Standard, who U yf much humbler origin than Lord Brougham, and entered life with fewer advantages) would not like tobetold that he emigrated to England to escape'rags and vermin ^,i home, and that his zeal for Conservatism was dictated tor a hungry beUy. This BiUingsgate is unworthy of the Sfifandard, But, waving what is personal toLordBrougham, 10*8 turn to the church of Ireland, for branding which fia a. magnum tatrocinium he h^s provoked so much the -^ath or our contemporary^'; The noble and learned lord 3, like m^ny others, predicted the downfall of the Irish jjfeurch* from its being the church of a small minority. 0; no, argues the Standard, a minority can never be .too gmall to nave its church established: "The church, as jlt^rd Bjrougham well knowsj" si^ys our contemporary, f* was in England, at Elizabeth's accession, in a greater 49gi;ee than it is now in Irelandrthe church of the mino-i^ty� smd it had no powerfiil allv to lean upon, such as the triah branch of the church now happily possesses. Yet the chiUrch,: did not then or ever fell finally. About one hun-i^edy^OTslafterElizabeth's^^ the church il^iagain the church of jhe'im^ it recovered, and it still survives; arid thanks to him, to whose honour and praise itexists the purest establishment upon earth, it win Survive and extend arid flt^nrish." We believe the Protestants at the beginning: of Queen Elizabeth's reign were the minority, but we doubt much whether they were so small a minonty as the Standard'pretends. But whatever the proportion^ the argtunent of the tru^h of a religion afibrd^g a justification to the minority to coerce the majority is mnch more Ukely to gratify British Protes&nts than Irish Catholics, Whatever the proportions in England once were, the Protestants of the Church of Englw^ are unquestionably the ma;jority. The question, as far as England is concerned, is now, therefore, of little interest. But a sincere Irish Catholic will not be one whit more disposed to submit to a Protestant establishment becatise the Protestant tells him the religion ofthe minority being true, it ought, therefore, to be estab-lished. The Protestant can only expect the Catholic to yield through fear or deference to tnis knock-down style of arguing. It implies conquest, and the submission to it is a confession of weakness. AH religious changes originate with a few, and the balk of a nation gener^ly remain long attached to the doctrines and practices to which they have been accustomed. In England the superior ener^ of the Protestant minority ultimately prevailed over the Catholic majority, and the establishment of Protestantism, whatever it originally was, has now the justification of general consent. If Protestantism had been equallyfortunate in Ireland, the. Catholics might have found a ground for submitting to it not insulting to them as free citizens. But from a variety of causes, Protestantism has proved an utter failure in Ireland j and uo sane man can entertain a hope that it will prove more fortunate hereaifter than in times, past. The jpride of the Catholic majority will always, therefore, lead them to remain impatient under the yoke'of a Protestant minority. That they will be content with less than religious equality no man can believe who does' not entertain the opinion that they are deficient in true spirit � and bravery. It must, therefore, be with the Irisn Catholics merely a question of prudence and opportunity when.they shall attempt to shake off a yoke which they would be less than men could they bear with patience. The way to interpret what an Irishman's feelings on this subject must be is for an Englishman to suppose one-tenth of the people of England Catholics, ana the religion of that tenth established by means of the bayonets of .Irish Catholics. We tellthe Catholics of Ireland that we are their masters^ that we have the bayonets; they submit, of course,' because they cannot help themselves; but an obedience which is disgraceful to those who yield it is not a foundation on which the edifice of civil polity can, be securely reared. And it is, therefore, that Lord Brougham, in common with so many other statesmen, conceive the church of Ireland must fdl ere long. * EFFECT OF LORD BROUGHAM'S MOTION ON CANADA. SuN---Lord Broughapijs Declaratoiry Bill conceiving the Canada Act. of the; present session was read, a second time in the House of Lords on Thursday night, after a division, on which the ministers were defeated by 54-to 36. The whole debate Has extremely interesting^ and the speeches in particular of Lord Brougham, the Lord Chancellor, Lord Lyndhurstj Lord Melbourne, and the Duke of Wellington, were worthy> of their reputation and character, and ought to be read. Leaving the debate, however, without further comment, we shall make a few observations on the probable consequences of Lord Brougham's success. It must at once be apparent that it is as serious a blow to Lord Durham's govemmentias the peers can inflict. A motion for an address to remove him might have been set down wholly toparty malice, and might have affected only himself; but for, the Lords to^ declare his acts illegal, to have done that :by a Bill of Indemnity-going through all the;forms of. legislation, vitiates all LordDurham'syproceedings, and for vail good purposes- in spirit and in truth--"vitiates and nullifies, while it pretend to confirm thein. His ordinances arc of themselves illegal. Papineau mightire-enter Canada, and Wolfred Nelson return, except for that reprobated expedient an ex post facto law-should the bill become a lawr-passed to make their banishment legal. The Lords have completely vitiated^ and practicjuly nullified Lord Durham's proceedings; but the Bill of Indemnity, a true eoa post /acio law being in its own nature ^tainted and decryed act, will not establish the authprity of the Lords. Their success shows a weak and divided power, and is an invitation to the Canadians to disregard the authority of the imperial legislature. It is also a serious blow to the ministers. They; were defeated. _How will they deal with thebiU in the Commons? Will thiy accept it, and acknoyiedge that Lord Melbourne jan.d his supporters in the peers were wrong; or will tfiey tnr their strength^ and, if possible, rej'edt it? Lord Brougham's opinions may there probably influence some of their usual supporters ; all the Tories, it may be presumed, would go against them, and they might not succeed, i If they succeed, another jpoint of collision arises betwixt the .Commons and the Lords; but still thet acts of Lord Durham will remain condemned and vitiated by the.high legal authority of two ex-Lord Chancellors and a deliberate vote of the House of Peers. If they are defeated, their ministry and Lord Durham's government ends. PRESENT POSITION OF THE MltriSTRY Monthly Law Magazine-The mmisters of her Majesty occupy a n^ost styange position 4t tiie present jgo-
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