Atlas London Middlesex, May 5, 1838 : Front Page

Publication: Atlas London Middlesex May 5, 1838

Atlas (Newspaper) - May 5, 1838, London, Middlesex ^ mntvul 0^ atiti Jfottttial of WLittxKtuvt. No. 625. Vol, XIII,] SATURDAY, MAY 5, 1838. [ EARLY EDITION IN TIME FOR POST. THE ATLAS OF THIS DAY CONTAINS:~ PAOI Hie FbUtlcbn..............273 Caat.Ihclbui and Colonial AUat.. 274 Colwflal........... 274 jB'oretgH^New* ......274 Imperiat Farliament............ StTS mm TKvn.. i...............m ttUtedf the BepreMntatlon ......277 Hebtinilt277 ^m^^^tU^.i......W| llii^aii^;.................... 279 Theilrted 'Ibt^gvace.......... 279 State of; Trado ................ 279 SatdtdBjr'il^e�r� .f..........;. 279 Vfe^^f^^ieltimp(Ufot,1ihe Money ^.^^ JLeadUir Arti^***!^^iI!!I^!'* 280 .ANtHfgMi JMnt for Diicoidon. 280 'p^mmt,...............i...m PAOB tlTSKATTISB. Becollection* of CauUncourt, Duke of Vicenza...........281 The Fan. on Natural HlBtorf, chiefly OmitholoKy.............T" Hiuic and Moildani .......... 2834 NewMiuic....................283 Fine Art!....................283 Literary imd Scientific Institu- dons..'.......................283 The Army....................285 Gazettet...................... 283 Birthi, Marriages, and Deaths .. 288 . Banldng and Monetary Athu.... 283 The Marketa..................284 THE PQLITI CI AN. UNIFORM PENNY POSTAGES FOR GREAT BRITAIN. LpNDbN ai^dV^ejstimn is not, a :^O^tioii^' a political one, unless mi- .^t(3^ii imagine the ,!dii$ci4Ues.whichsUmdin^ a refonn pro- posed in a departmett^ of fiscal administration, is opposed % the niaii thejr hov^ i?ut at the head^ Of it, 'we canntftshtit oiir eyes to the fact, that if thqr continue ill-^cictedy or mdifferentv or inactive, on Post-office reforin, IQiey wiU isi^^^ an opportunity of ac- quiring a popularity pervading ^all ranks, aiid mtensest 4U�iong the poorest, and 'they will give Mr. Croker one jsnrainof trutlito bejputinto;!^^ of good ^Ms doneV ttie Tories an^ left undone hy the Whigs. , l^e ibee them to rememher that no reduction short of what 3dr. Hul ]^roposes can effect the desired end; a. twopenny post^^lnot tiy thep^ of his plau, hecause it "tnlljttbtdefeatlSie smuggler^ aiid a union of payment ip advance inth anyrste of postage higher thim a penny yrojeiJii probahLyoot call forth thb Increase of oorrespond->�ace ]ieceiBasv-;to compensate the revenue. Any such lialf measiao^^ff it failed^ wouldlbie consAj^ere^ as �he feilurc "Of Mr. Hill^s p&ni and the im:derlieiwrage the view9 of ihe whole of the men , itucHye wad energetic in pursuing this reform^ because )iitk,Wes4enIi]i(et|u8>e,jnor^degT^ to them, )aorvfiirthiiii the'real feeliiuni soioe'jof their number), jthey will loolt at the revenue met a ver^loarrOw and contracted feshion indeed, they will consid^a small part, fmd not ^e'whoK itthey; do not see that the reductions in the Expenses of 1ihe'Post-ofl|oej the incr^e of corire^^ !tihe i(dditional^coiii8umption of pa :;pfqrted to trade of' ail kinds; wfll^ �aipif enable them' to jueetthe dreaded'deMcatibn. Buttfiis^isnotamatterto tie argued 'solely on siiph grottinidsyrrrm& 'proj^ss ihemsdVes,'wd have" I'epre'sen^ed't much at heart the education of ;the;people,-r-a uniform penny postage wiUgive motives, strong, as the best affec-Qons of the human breast, to the poor for the acquisition oi elementuy instruction: it, will waft to the ears of temptedTOuth the persuasive whispers: ofjntur^ntal Ipve and gbodness; it wiu circulate thought, knowledge, friends )Bhip, virtue,, tod by bringing thinkers and Mends nearer to each other, promote very greatly-the' formation of i noble and beautuid civilization m PuisLiN BBViETC-r^Thebareidea of a compact between the sovereign: power of.a stbte'and anygiven portion of the people, is a political absfirdihr. The, legislatute is bound by irirefir^able obligations, toe cancelling of which can never b^presumedj to pursue and adopt suchmeasures as it inay conscientiously consider to be essentially necessary towards the general' welfare of the nation at large; Policy and justice never intermit in their claims. Good and wholesome laws for the whole of the people constir tute tiie true and proper purpose of all govenunents. Compacts may be formed between independent gov^--ments, hut nothing of the kind is imaginable between the ^tate itself and its own subjects. The animtta imponentis has no influential power between the legislature which proceeds to restore political ;pbwer and those from whom It had been violentiy wrestecT; and the class, description; or sect, selectedout of the body of the people, from whom the precautionary procedure may be exacted, have as good a ri^t toput their own construction upon it, as a pohtical ^etei4cinia|,,>� those who may haye framed it, not upon any direct tieuse of its necessity, but i^t a pious imjiosture adopted to quiet the apprehensions of prejudice or bigotryJ The paramount dutjr of a member of the House of Com^ mons is, to bear his partin public delibemtions for the peaceswelfere of the people; and,if it werCi pjjasjuWe-^which most indubitably it is not-to cramp lum;jin^e free exercise of his complete functions, it would be a'Cjonstitutional obligation virtually impcfsed' on him, and p^i�mount to all otiiers incident to his representative; station^ to break through those l^wi^a by. every.moral means which may lie witiiin the reach of his power. The Constitution .of JSng^d 'does not recognize mutilated poorer or fractional pi^yilege in the representative of the people. That trust dn%�op^rred} shackles and trammels of all kinds drop at once, and he becomes a moral being, uncircumscribed and disenthralled of all checks and restraints, save what is common to every other member, who, like himself, is placed under constitutional responsibility for his actions m Parliament. If the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel persuaded themselves that any oath-but especially one wnich has the stamp of their statesmanship upon it-could confine Catholic representatives within narrower limits than those that are known and enjoyed by Protestant members, they showed themselves to be but very simple and very inexperienced politicians. Oaths are not designed, by their very nature, for any purpose of political securitjr^ They belong to the administration of justice. They are the tests of moral veracity, which the living God is iilVoked to witness.' Bungling politicians, who are weary pf following but principles.and details through all their ramifications,�always stop short and botch up their projects with some such crude expedient as an oath; and nence it comes that under the administration of British goverpinent, the people are obliged to swear their way through altlChe departmental details of the'executive. A more fame respiurce for the preservation of the church and state than the oath wHich the Catholics in Parliament are accused of having violated^ never was invented in any age or country by the simplest of all simple law makers. THE IRISH CHURCH. MoNTHtT CHRoificLE-Reverting to the waste places, where we have already seen the decline and faU^ of Protestantism written in such broad characters, let us see whether the clerical revenues exhibit the same, lamentable symptoms of depression. A return is before us,movedfor in 1835, which gives the amount of tithe composition for thatvastasisemblage of parishes in which there are either no Protestant inhabitants at all, or a population never' exceeding fifty. The aggregate population of this fascinating group cannot exceed 16,000 souls. The receipts of the parsons amount to 96,489/. 2s. 8d.! more thaia six pounds sterling by the head for each Protestant parishioner! A list of seven benefices, or sixteen parishes, in the province of Tuam, presents us with the sad spectacle of only 729 Protestants to balance 40,tKX> Catholics; while, on the other hand, to cheer the drooping spfrits, we ^re treated to a peep'into a treasuiy. contaiiung gold and silver to the amount of 4^106/^ dsw 10^ This revenue does not give six pounds per head for each Protestant parishioner; but it yields upwards of five pounds^ and whiethert^s be enough, toolittle, or exorbitant, the pubUo WiUbe able; to decide, when we ad^ on the.&ith of the Commissioners of Public Instruction, thatin each of these; seven benefices, and sixteen parishes^ "the incumbent is non-president,- and performs no duty." A document upon the subject of the Irish church, published by the Reform Association, and remarkable for the.accuracy of its statements, furnishes a number of equally striking facts; illustrative of the utter contempt of principle in the distribu-r tion of the ecclesiastical revenues, thus rendered doubly odious by such wanton waste in their application.. It is a judjicious remark of Mr.Hallam, that/'extravagance is the sting ,of taxation.", Fifty parishes / contain the enormous number of 527 sons of the churcbV-actiially more than a Protestant decemvirate ineach. The united revenues of theseffifty^parisbesr are 11,897/.Forty-two of the number are without a resident clergyman.' ^,The entire diocese of Emly, with a total population of nearly 100,000 soui9,iContainsonlyi1,246 members of the church as by laW^established. The united 'tithes of this pretty litfle diocese amount to 7i969/. Eight benefices in Cldyne yield their happy possessors 4,860/; per anmim. For ^ the � sni-ritual tendance of what enormous congregations P Tne eight benefices, clubbing their orthodoxy, imake up no more than 173 episcopalians!! Here the pastoral remuneration is at the modest rate of 28/. a man!! Whether '.*the'King^s daughter is^'glorious within," may: be a question,; but certainly "laer clothing is of wrought gold." These facts may well suffice. Who .would.suppose- that the ministers of a church, disfigured with abuses so enormous, traced their spiritual pedigree to more holy scriptural originals than Giehazi, Iscariotj or Simon Magfis P For our part, we rise from the contemplation of these painful details, asif wehadbeen accompanyingthe great and good Pantt^ruel to the court of Master Gaster, and had seen those Gastrolaters, whom it is written, that Rabelais' virtuous hero "very much detested." *  * Gold heeds iron to defend it^ The merchant, commends his wealth to the iron safe: the parson his glittering care to the bayonet and the sabre. Justice protects herself; institutions that exist for national advantage, are sustained by national reverence and affection; but ptiblic wroiig^ is only to be protected by armed force and terror^ .a^rich Pi'otesti^nt establishment in a poor Catiiolip country, rests, from moral necessity, upon the constable and the soldier. ^Ve. are toadd to the expense of the church- in Ireland nO small part of the cost' of the police and niiHiary estaWish- rybeliibn,'6f wb^c^ ^o m in that litigious year, at the-,�uit of tbe ^pheras of the people. In 1835, the martial incumbent of albeiiiefice" in Limerick applied to the government, to encamp a considerable force in a commanding and eentral> situation," to remain until- the arrears of his; tithes-were collected. How strpBjgly ^uch a chuichjreiimvd&Qne^of the picture drawn tnodum arcis ;" a church like a fortress ! The great historian adds, what applies likewise with admirable exactness to the church in Ireland: '* Preeviderant conditorest ex diversitate morum, crebra bella." PROGRESS OF LEGISLATION. Monthly Law Magazine--Each succeeding session, since the expulsion of Sir R. Peel from office, the Reformed Legislature has shown itself less and less capable of carrying on the business of the country. The Enghsh Municipal and Tithe Bills are indeed the only acts of anything resembling national and permanent importance, which have passed into laws during the last three years. Lord Melbourne's government, in this respect, as in all others, J>resents a melancholy contrast with Lord Grey's. The egislative vigour of the first Reformed Par^ament must be admitted to have been considerable. Many measures of prodi^ous importance were enacted, and measures which had occupied the public mind for years, and to the passing of which no cabinet, previous to Lord Grey's, had proved itself equal. But now-a-days, what have we to show as the fruits of months-^nay, years-of legis a-tive labour ? The measuring-cast majority in the House of Commons on which ministers dep<:nd for their daily pay, is made up of such contradictory and^scordant elements, that they can agree upon hardly any one matter, except thenecessitvof keeping the Tories out, and themselves in. Even upon tnose subjects of general policy which they do. agree m supporting, their several sections think in such various and opposite ways, that though they profess to be "agreed on the sameness of means, they do not affect to deny that they intend diversity of end: thus, while the appropriation clause is introduced by Lord iT.^ Russell, for the sake of strengthening the Irish Protestant church, the same clause is maintained by O'Connell, for the very opposite purpose of destroying the/same church. The foot is, imnisters have really no desire for any thing but the possession of power: as for the church, or the law, or the monetary or trading interests, or tbe cries of the poor, or the wrongs of the imprisoned debtor, they care just nothing for ail and either of these unimportant ai^d trivial affairsotherwise is it conceivable that they should exhibit such extraordinary contempt for them? ' Parliament has now been sitting more than four months^ and as the coronation is appointed to take place in June, it will be impossible for it to sit nutny more,weeks before its prorogation. Of coiurscf, it Is plain that no public measure,, introduced after the Easter recess^ can by nossibility be made a law in the present session. The following is the result of-fohr months* legislative kbour in" the Reformed Parliament:-The Civil ListBill. The Canada Bill. The Slavery' Act- Amendbnent Bill. The - Army and' Navy Estimates. These bills have become law. The Parliamentary Electors and Freemen's Bill was passed in the Commons, but thrown out in the Lords. The Municipal Boundaries Bill was introduced by one of the'ministeri;, Mr. y. Smith, and by the said minister cruelly put to death with his own hands! . BRITISH CONSTITUTION.. Dublin Universitt . Magazine-The history of the past, the experience of the present^ teach us, that inexact proportion to the increased influence of the democracy, in proportion as the depository of power has been placed lower, the character oi a nation retrogrades, its prosperity becomes insecure,~its laws unstable, its authority despised. The same sources of knowledge, as well as. the instinctsi of our own hearts, warn us against an ^^lcontrolIed moh<^ archical, or a purely aristocratical government, as tending to. degrade the mass of the people. The truth is, .that power cannot, without danger of tyranny, be entrusted^ uncontrolled, to any man, any body, or any sect of men. The only system that ever has been devised to preserve liberty is that which, dividing power among a variety of classes, making the interest of each a check on the aggrandizement of any, and out of individual independence and mutual co-operation, occasional interforience and general support, self-confidence, and self-government, controlled hy responsibility to others, brings.forth,'as results, national freedom and nationd prosperity. We need not say how admirably this has been attained in the British cpnstitution, consisting (not of three, as has been generally supposed,) but of four great constituent elements, mutually controlled by, and responsible to, each other, namely, the monarchy, the aristocracy, the democracy possessed of electoral privileges, and the democracy excluded from electoral privileges. The mode of government which the wisest political philosophers have thought the best, tiie. vision wTbich Tacitus thought too fair for erring man to hope for, has been there realized and embodied. That Providence, in whose hands are the destinies of nations, has so ordered the unstable wills, affections, and prejudices of the people, that from their usages and habits it has gradually grown up and been perfected.. The old, gothic submission to a superior, yet desire of personal freedom; the Saxon representative sytsena, and the Norman feii^Usm; the independence and iurmness,^^^ yet love of order and decorum, which charsicterise the EngUsh people, have combined to form its fotlihdatiphs. Religion, linked inseparably by the chuT# estiablisH^ to the state, sanctifies and draws down bless|Jn^v^^^ And the whole fabric, at once a templei and ia f^r^ home of freedom, the shrine of a ptnreireUgi supported and protected by the CTateful hearts qnd hands of a happy, prosperous, and Christiis^ people. Girtr ;

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Publication: Atlas London Middlesex

Location: London, Middlesex

Issue Date: May 5, 1838