Saturday, April 21, 1838

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Atlas (Newspaper) - April 21, 1838, London, Middlesex U <!ienet:al ^t^a^pu^tx and goutnal of %ittvutnvt. ON THE LARGEST SHEET PRINTED. No. 623. Vol. XIII.] SATURDAY, APRIL 21. 1838. � early edition in time fok post- THE ATLAS OF THIS DAY CONTAINS :- PAO H I Politician...................... 241 East Indian and Colonial Atlai.. 242 Foreign New* ................243 British News.................. 243 Meetings...................... 243 Ireland........................244 State of Representation..........245 Army Movements.........,.....245 State of Trade..................245 Law Reports..................245 Police Reports............. . 246 Accidents .....................246 Omniunr.......................246 Miscellanea....................246 Theatrical Intelligence........247 Weekly Retrospect of the Money Market......................247 Saturday's News ..............247 PAGE LITBRATUnB. Seven Weeks in Belgium, Switzerland, Lombardy, Piedmont, Savoy, &c...................249 Poems. By John Kenyon......250 On Education..................251 Rufus, or the Red King........251 Fltzherbert, or Lovers and Fortune Hunters................251 LI terary Memoranda ..........251 Music and Musicians ..........251 New Music.................... 251 Fine Arts ....................252 Literary and Scientific Institutions ........................252 The Army.................... 252 Gazettes...................... 252 Births, Marriages, and Deaths .. 252 I^eading Articles.............. 248 Banking and Monetary Atlas .... 252 Theatricals.................... 248 Advertisements................ 254 THE POLITICIAN. THE QUEEN AND THE CORONATION. MoRNiNO Chronicle-It might almost be thought, from the tone assumed by the Tpry papers, if people were not aware that those journals could know nothing about the matter, that the diminution of the expense of the projected coronation was directly opposed to the wishes of hsr Majesty, when in fact every arrangement upon the subject has met with her entire concurrence. The Queen was from the first anxious that only such an expenditure of the public money as could not be avoided should be made, and that her subjects should not be called upon to pay a vast sum for a mere show, full of antiquated absurdity and feudal nonsense, the vain pageantry -of which, as we said on a former day, in no way contributes to the solemnity of the occasion. For this considerateness and forbearance we are confident the people feel duly grateful, more particularly when they reflect that our Queen is'at an age when a display of splendour and royal magnificence might not unreasonably be expected to have their attractions for a youthful mind. It affords additional proof of the strength of her Majesty's understanding, q.ud is eminently consistent with the whole course of her conduct since she came to the throne, and with the excellent principles instilled into her mind by education under the anxious superintendence of her illustrious parent. The reason why the Tories are so disconcerted at the whole affair is obvious enough. Setting aside their vexation and disappointment at not being permitted to have any hand in the nomination of the new peers, they do not forget, nor will the nation, that they were at the head of affaus when nearly 250,000/. were expended upon the coronation of George IV. ; whereas the Whigs were in office when only about one-tenth of that sum was laid out upon the coronation of William IV., and the Whigs will be in office when something like the same amount will be required for the coronation of Queen Victoria. The Tories cannot endure the contrast; the Whigs have " a daily beauty in their lives" as public men, which makes the Tories " ugly," and therefore the cry has been raised that " needless and unbecoming parsimony" has " shorn the coronation of its accustomed splendours," &c. How is such parsimony " needless" at the very moment when the Tories are chuckling that the revenue this quarter is deficient, or how is it " unbecoming" when the Queen herself has expressly enjoined that the public purse shall not be called upon to contribute more than is necessary for the due performance of the solemn rite ? Can anything be more contemptible more paltry, or more pitiful than the conduct of the Tories ? They would cramp the service of the state by withholding a'few hundreds out of personal spite to an exalted nobleman, dispatched on perhaps the most important mission ever entrusted to an individual; and yet for the sake of ingratiating themselves, as they foohshly imagine, with certain persons about the court, and for the sake of accusing the ministers of the Queen of " needless and unbecoming parsimony," they affect (for all the world knows it to be mere affectation) to be anxious that a* quarter of a million, derived from the pockets of the people, should be lavished upon an empty spectacle. We have called this conduct contemptible, paltry, and pitiful: the terms are too mild: it is nothing short of base and dis-gusting hypocrisy. VOTE BY BALLOT. Quarterly Review-It has been argued that the effect of the introduction of this new principle into our system need not necessarily be so extensive-that ^t is meant rior ? If the House of Commons be chosen by ballot, all its measures and acts will, at once, become virtually dependent on ballot; and in the process of time and of assimilation, every other function, whether of state policy or of local interest, would be made to depend on ballot also. We are not now discussing whether that might or might not be an improvement: we are at present only showing that, once admitted, it must pervade our whole system, and- Like Aaron's rod, would swallow all the rest. Like every other device which gives to masses of mankind irresponsible power, it would extend itself rapidly and irresistibly ; and not merely absorb every species of electoral process, but would invade matters where election had never before intruded. <Jounty magistrates would be balloted for as well as city magistrates-and why not ?- judges as well as vestrymen-parish priests as well as parish constables-and public life of all classes and degrees would become one vast and mysterious maze, in which every man's office, and, consequently, his liveli- to operate for one distinct purpose only-that it might be easily and beneficially amalgamated with our parliamentary elections, without any ulterior consequences. We really cannot hear such an argument without wonder something akin to contempt-particularly from the lips of those who talk so earnestly about public morality; of the necessity of an intimate and open connexion between the constituency and the member; and who are daily employed in exacting, and we are sorry to say successfully exacting, for the representative parts of our system, so predominant and absorbing an influence. The election of the members of the legislatui'e has become in modern times the mainspring of our whole system-the prototype of all our habits -the foundation of all legal authority. It is the root of the tree of which all our other institutions, of every class and kind, are merely branches: and is it possible to imagine that a canker in the electoral tap-root shall not be felt in every leaf and fibre which it generates and feeds ? If the ballot be good in the most important matters, why not in all ? And, whether good or bad, if^admitted to the highest functions, how can it be excluded from the infe- Wlieat per quarter. f)3s. 8d. 02s. Od. 6fis. Od. 61s. Od. Oats per quarter. 22s. lid. 21s. Id. 23s. 4d. 24s. Od. hood and his character, would depend on the ever-varying caprice and arbitrary juggle of the balloting-box. We read with wonder and horror of the Secret 1 ribunals of Germany and Spain, which held the lives and honour of men in their invisible thrall. Will not the ballot, if it answers the promises of its promoters, be a secret tribunal -where men will be condemned or acquitted, by they know not whom, of they know not what-without seeing an accuser, without hearing a charge, and, consequently, without having an opportunity of defence ? Will not public men be at the mercy of a whisper, which may not even reach their ears till the mischief is done ? All these suppositions may seem very monstrous ; but those who think soberly and observe closely the workings of human institutions and the progress of popular encroachment, will see that, after the first step, the consequences are, more or less, remotely inevitable. lord durham's mission. Foreign Quarterly Review.-Of the appointment of the Earl of Durham, as Governor-General, we say nothing, It has certainly been very well received by all parties m this country. It is not the way of the Tories to find fault with an appointment made by. the crown, without some evidence of its impropriety. The Radicals fancy that Lord Durham is their leader. The Whigs, if not a little afraid of him, certainly admire him most at adistance. And one cause of his popularity is, that he is not a devoted adherent of the present administration. Yet one thing a little startles us. While we give credit to Lord Durham for considerable talents, a high sense of honour, and many virtues, we own it is new to us to hear of his powers of conciliation. How comes it, if such be his qualities, that he is not in the cabinet ? We have heard, indeed, that, except in the case of the compact alliance with another lord for a purpose which, abused as the term is, can scarcely be called liberal, it has been found rather difficult to act with him. But allowing Lord Durham to be a fit man for Governor-General, we object to another mission of inquiry. With the exception, perhaps, of the question of uniting the two provinces, there is nothing to inquire about: there is no point upon which ministers or Parliament can Avant further materials. Excepting that being composed of one man, it may not be quite so controversial, this commission is liable to all the objections made to that of 1835. And it is, as well as that, liable to the objection which we have made to the committee of 1828^ From the circumstances under which Lord Durham is sent, and especially from the communication to Parhament, publication and sale of his instructions, he must make a public report. Ministers have cast away their right to require from him a secret and confidential opinion; all that he says must be laid before Parliament, and sold to the inhabitants of both hemispheres at two pence per sheet. Are ministers prepared to do no more and no less than he recommends ? If not, how weakly and how idly is this new embarrassment created, which will arise from their rejecting the counsel of their chosen delegate! influence of trades' unions on the rate of wages. Edinburgh Review-The class of unskilled labourers is, in every country, five times more numerous than that of the skilled, and it is far more exposed to oppression; because the persons composing it are, from their extent and scattered position, incapable of combining, and from the .short instruction requisite to enable any one to engage in their employment, the most exposed to extensive and depressing competition. We never, accordingly, hear of combinations or strikes among the ordinary or unskilled operatives. AVe hear of combinations constantly among the power-loom weavers, tenters, cotton-spinners, colliers, miners, iron-founders, engineers, tailors, bakers, or the like; but we hear of none among day labourers, hodmen, ploughmen, reelers, carders, piercers, pickers, or others engaged in such inferior employments; nor is it possible that such combinations ever can exist. What then are trades' unions, taken in the most favourable point of viev/, and supposing them to be successful in the attainment of all the results for which they contend, but monopolies of skilled against unskilled labour; and must not any forced elevation of the wages of the former produce an undue depression in the remuneration of the latter? This is a view of the subject of the very highest importance, which has never yet met with nearly the attention it deserves ; and which goes far to explain .that extraordinary variation in the remuneration of diffe- rent kinds of labour which has long struck foreigners with such astonishment in this country. It is evident that remuneration on the principle of competition in the labour market, is thwarted to a very great extent by the forcible operation of these formidable unions, and that their effect has been to repress, to a most undue and disastrous degree, the remuneration of the more unskilled, but numerous class of labourers in the community. It appears from Mr. Fielden's tables, pubhshed in 1833, that the wages of hand-loom weavers, and prices of wheat and oats suice 1815, have stood as follows <- Wages per piece to hand-loom weavers. In 1815, .. 4s. 6d. In 1834, .. 2s. 3d. In 1831, .. Is. 4d. In 1832, .. Is. 6d. Thus, while there has been no material diminution in the prioe of provisions from 1815 to 1832, the remuneration of the hand-loom weaver has fallen to one-third of what it then was. Indeed it is perfectly Avell-known that they are generally and proverbially working at the starving point; that their earnings do not exceed from six lo ten shillings a we<jk; and that any considerable commercial crisis reduces them to starvation. This deplorable reduction in the wages of this species of labour, which, in comparison with that of the combined operatives, may be called unskilled, because it can be learned in a few months, took place at the very time when the cotton-spinners were making from twenty-five to thirty-five, and the colliers from thirty to forty shillings a week. It is thus evident that there has been some forcible and most unjust interference with the labour market. And it is easy to see what this interference is. Conspiracy, armed with the terrors of assault and murder, stands between, and forcibly prevents the current of labour from flowing out of those channels in which'it is redundant. TORY DESPAIR. Morning CaaoNtCLE-^We own we cannot wonder at the state of mind in which the Tory party now find themselves. They have a right to be most thoroughly out of humour with everything, for everything has turned out to their utter discomfiture and disappointment. Only look back to the leading events of less than a year. First William "the true and just," as the Times truly and justly calls him, died, and Victoria the young and hopeful succeeded to the throne. So much had her Majesty and her royal parent kept themselves aloof from politics and parties that the Tories in the outset had hopes that she might take them into favour to the exclusion of a Liberal ministry. These hopes were at once destroyed by the declaration by the Queen of entire confidence in Lord Melbourne and his colleagues. Then followed volumes of abuse poured out through the Times against the Duchess of Kent, because she had educated her illustrious daughter in the belief that the great object of government was the welfare of the whole nation, and not the aggrandisement of an exclusive party hostile to that welfare. The administration of the Whigs being thus founded on the good opinion of the Sovereign, and upon the good wishes of the people, what were the unhappy Tories to do to defeat its measures? A dissolution of Parliament being inevitable, they brought all their arts of division, delusion, intimidation, corruption, and bribery to bear on the elections; but here again they failed, and a majority decidedly favourable to the Liberal interest was returned. As it was soon found that nothing could be done in Parliament by the opposition, as far as related to the domestic state of Great Britain and Ireland, the rebelUon in Canada seemed to many of the most rabid Tories quite a godsend ; and here they trusted that ministers, if not disconcerted, might be embarrassed. But the measure proposed in the first instance to suppress the revolt, and then to prevent the recurrence of any similar evil in future by a searching inquiry into all real grievances and an honest determination to redress them, were such that the leaders of the opposition could not refuse concurrence in them, and the Earl of Durham will now soon be wafted across the Atlantic, fully empowered by the Queen and the legislature, as the ^reat pacificator of our North American colonies, to examine into the whole system of government, and to recommend and apply such remedies as may be effectual and satisfactory. The pitiful eflbrts to lessen the beneficial consequences of his lordship's mission, and to pass a vote of censure upon ministers for pursuing a course which, a month or six weeks before, nobody had ventured to find fault with, merited and received the negative of the House of Commons, and the contempt of the great body of the nation. The attacks upon the administration of Lord Mulgrave in Ireland met with a similar result, c.nd the noble viceroy can well endure the hatred of all ' to a happy therefore, we perceive fresh proofs of the dissatisfaction of the Tories, not merely because Lord Mulgrave continues at the head of affairs in Ireland, but because his beneficial administration has rendered it impossible that the sister c.nu rne nooie viceroy can wen cimuic nai. Orangemen for reducing that feitile island to state of obedience and tranquillity. Every day. kingdom should ever hereafter be governed upon other principles than those of equality and justice to all parties. The Tories, therefore, owe his lordship a grudge not only for the present but for the future. " For this and all we hate thee." Let the Tories, then, turn which way they Avill they behold nothing that is not calculated to produc^ in their minds bitter vexation and regret. Abroad they see peace preserved, and the national character and supe^^