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Atlas (Newspaper) - April 14, 1838, London, Middlesex M' General 0.t\X)^pu9tv untf gouvnal of iltteraturt. ON THE LARGEST SHEET PRINTED. No. 622 Vol. XIII.] SATURDAY, APRIL 14, 1838 r EARLY EDTTION Lin timr for post- THE ATLAS OF THIS DAY CONTAINS :- PAOR l�oUtlclan...................... 225 East Indian and Colonial Atla� .. 226 "Foreign News ................ 227 Imperial Pariiament............227 ^British News..................828 Sheetings .... :................229 Scotland......................229 Ireland........................ 229 Law Reports.................. 229 Assizes........................231 Police Reports.................231 Accidents .....................231 Omnium....................... 231 BOseellanea....................232 Theatrical Intelligence.......... 232 Saturday's News ..............232 'Weekly Retrospect of the Money Market......................232 Xeadlng Airtacles ..............233 PAGB Literary Property.............. 233 Tlieatrlcals....................234 tlTEItATUnS. Memoirs of the Life of Sir Walter Scott [Second Notice]........234 Queen Elizabeth and her Times [Second Notice].............235 Essay on the Rationale of Circumstantial Evidence............236 Lives of Eminent Statesmen.... 236 Literary Memoranda,..........236 Fine Arts.................... 237 Literary and Scientific Institutions ........................237 The Army ....................237 Gazettes...................... 237 Banking and Monetary Atlas .... 237 Births, Marriages, and Deaths .. 239 Advertisements................ 239 T H E P O LI T I C 1 A JN. THE CORONATION-INTERRUPTION OF PUBLIC BUSINESS. Times-There are reproaches without end addressed to ^s, for that we have failed to expose the precipitancy and indecency with w^hich ministers are pushing on this pageant of a coronation, at a season which of all others is the most inconvenient, and attended by circumstances of which they mi^ht well be ashamed. In the actual state of public business-parliamentary business we mean-and when there is litte prospect that, with the most exemplary diligence, anytliing more can be effected than what the most pressing and urgent of the national interests require, it seems a too barefaced depiand upon the patience of the people of England that a ceremony so needr less at the present moment, and so obstructive of the course of measures long promised at least, if not long prepared, but which are at the same time so loudly and imperatively called for by the public feelings and by the opinions of the most eminent men of all parties in the state, should be thus wantonly obtruded upon the attention of the country, as if Parliament were not already distracted enough by those conflicting factions, one of which pre-^enda to uphold the men in office, while the other, in pos-ssession of office, affects to repudiate the principles of Ithose on whose countenance and votes its daily existence hinges. The great measures by which the temporal welfare of the church in both islands, including the established church of Scotland, must be affected for better or for worse, are now in so backward and unripe a state, that it would require the uninterrupted industry and labour of the�^^^^tF�essioQ� were it prolonged to the 1st of August, to carry them, ieven without serious opposition, through both Houses of Parliament. The inference is, theriefore, that 1;he Queen's ministers, feeling themselves in want of excuses for delay, have seized upon that of the coronation for a godsend. Between preparation and execution, this raree-show will gain for them a strike of work for ten days or a fortni^it, and will abstract so much from the progress of public affairs. Look back at other coronations, since the accession of the House of Brunswick, at what season of the year, and under what circumstances, in relation to the state of public business. Has any former coronation of a prince of the House of Brunswick taken place at so early a season as the month of June ? Has any one of her Majesty's royal predecessors of the Brunswick line been crowned whilst Parliament was sitting ? Only one ! George I. was crowned on the 20th of October; George II. on the 11th of the same month; George III. ott the 22d of September; George IV. on the 19th of July, it is acknowledged, because it was deemed advisable to divert the feeling of the metropolis from topics and occurrences by which it had been exasperated and inflamed. But the session of Parliament had for some time "been closed, and although a profuse expense was incurred, the business of the nation was not sacrificed, nor the time of thele^slature. at a.precious hoiir wasted. His late Majesty, William, the just and true, held the ceremony of his coronation on the 8th of September. Thus we find that the case of George IV. was the solitary one of. a coronation taking place before the autunm of the year; but to the rule of not interfering with the time and action "of the two Houses of Parliament (the most important rule of all,) even that of George IV. was no exception whatever. And i;^hy is this violation of all convenience, propriety, and public decency with which we are now threatened to be forced thus unwarrantably forward ? Have the two Houses of Parliament so much time to spare ? Are their hands so empty ? Are our legislators fundi officiis ? Have the ministers so much to show, in the way of supererogation from former years, that they can now afford to rest from work, and wear in dignified repose their prodigality of laurels ? The truth is, that they dare not defer this melodramatic festival. They are sore beset-they are deafened by millions of importunities. Their suitors for patronage and promotion are craving with hunger, or splitting with windy vanity, and will not any longer be put off. Places for the unprovided with dinners-peerages for the expelled from popular seats- vague hopes and dreams of golden or even tinsel droppings fi-om the gorgeous mass of a young Queen's coronation-all such thing! are floating before the eyes of selfishness and folly, and are turned into goads upon a mean and worthless minister with whom A day-.an hour-of rampant patronage. Is worth a whole eternity without it. But was it seemly to insult the ashes of a deceased Sovereign, even though he was one whom the Whigs had taught to despise tneiii I George IV. was Queen Victo- ria's uncle. He died within these eight years-he died on that day of which the anniversary has been fixed by Lord Melbourne, w%o held office under him, to be the day of his niece's coronation. Did her Majesty know this when she first gave her assent to be crowned on the 26th of June ? Could she be aware of the fact ? At least her Majesty is now cognizant of the fact. We have reminded her; she is now aware of the outrage upon her uncle's memory. We have pointed it out. Will her Majesty not give orders to change the day of her coronation ? We shall see. The world will watch for the announcement. Her Majesty ought not to be dragged by coarse-minded ministers into acts derogatory to royal decorum. They ought to know, and would inform her Majesty, if they were real lo^al friends of the crown, that though she is not responsible to the law of the land, she is to tne opinions of her Subjects. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. Morning Chronicle-^What can Mr. Blackstone, and his coadjutors of the committee on the Shaftesbury election, now do to relieve themselves from the imputation deliberately and repeatedly cast upon them by Mr. Poulter? Will they T)e satisfied with their own simple and unsupported denial of the charge that they formed " the most corrupt majority of a committee that ever degraded the administration of justice and the name of the Commons of England ?" Mr. Blackstone declared on Monday night that it was impossible for him and his Tory friends who were implicated to live under the libel, even till the evidence taken in the case should be printed: Mr. Poulter must be condignly punished, or the nation would infallibly believe that every word of his accusation was true. He was, therefore, to be called to the bar and from thence conveyed to Newgate or the Tower. But supposing such had been the result of the proceeding, how would it have established that what Mr. Poulter had advanced against the committee was "false and scandalous" ^ It might be easy for a body of Tories so to vote it, but would the public have believed it ? Lord Henniker declared on Monday that he regretted no act he had done, and no opinion he had given; we dare say not, and this is one of the lamentable parts of the subject. The Tories are come to such a pass in what Mr. Elliot was pleased to call the "honest perversion of justice" (though Sir Bobert Inglis would have persuaded the House that the hon. member's words were "honest perversion of judgment"), that they are themselves scarcely aware of their own guilt. It has become such a habit with them to pervert justice for party purposes, that they are in this respect like the thief in one of Gait's tales, who had such an inveterate and almost unconscious habit of stealing, that he at' last lost all acquaintance with the distinction between meiim and tuum, a state of society which it will be remembered Don Quixote considered the true and only golden age. . It would, indeed, be the golden age of Toryism if the party could but persuade people to credit their assertions of purity and innocence, and on their own word to take them for patterns of every public virtue. Unfortunately out of doors some proofs of such extraordinary excellence are required, and as these proofs are not forthcoming, and as, in fact, the evidence, as in the instance of the Shaftesbury committee, is all the other way, the Tories must not be surprised to hear Mr. Poulter's opinion echoed in every quarter of the kingdom. Let us glance for a moment at the Shaftesbury case, and particularly at three points, which, we venture to say, will be completely borne out by the evidence whenever it is laid upon the table of the House in a printed form. We alluded on Monday to the facts relating to the vote of Mullins, and of one-and-thirty other electors similarly circumstanced, all of whom (Mullins alone excepted, who ought not to have been eseeptedif^ere had been any pretence for the decidon agan�fe*tlie other tliirtjr-OQe) were struck off Mr. 3Ql4t#]f#.|^� .jH^^iilt^^i?^^ him and Ms c(^paiiiooftiov�ppm^ mclmQiy oj4y,vat)d n|i�^jp#t<^^^^^.^^ or books, four were struck oflF, but when fite committee came to consider a fifth voter, it Was distinctly sworn on the part of the sitting member that the elector had paid his rates. Still the "Toiy overseer insisted upon his own correctness, and stiffly stood to his point, until his own receipt was produced in evidence against him. Another elector was assailed on the same testimony, and the same convincing answer was given; but the committee not only refused to restore the four votes previously erased on such testimony, but allowed the same overseer, thus shown to be utterly unworthy of credit, to go on with his work in the reduction of Mr. Poulter's numbers. It may be contended that this was a question of credibility, on which the committee were competent to decide; but what will be said to the third point, relating to treating ^ Mr. Poulter allejred that his opponent, Captain Mathew, had been guilty of a violation of the treating act by allowing beer, spirits, &c., to be given away after the teste of the writ, what was the answer ? That it Avas not true ; and sundry publicans were examined who swore that no treating had occurred after the reading of the precept, but that it had been carried on briskly until that hour. These witnesses, who were in the interest of Captain Mathew, thought that the reading of the precept and the teste of the writ were contemporaneous, whereas the teste of the writ was at least three days anterior to the reading of the precept; conte- quently, according to his own showing, Captain Mathew had been guilty of treating long after the expiration of the limit assigned by the statute. Although so many naembers of the Shaftesbury committee were present la.-t night not one of them could, or at all events did, contia-dict or explain any one of these three points, and J r. Blackstone (who we suppose was placed in the chair by virtue of his name) went so far as to allow that the com'-mittee might have decided mistakenly, though they haH decided honestly. Will the public, in so glaring a case, be so very charitable as to think it was an'hnnest mistake which turned Mr. Poulter, a warm political opponent, out of his seat, and placed in it Capt. Mathew, as warm a political friend ? Peter Plymley, in the beignning of one of his letters, tells his hxothev Abraham, " A worthier and better man does not exist, but I always toldyou that you were a bit of a goose;" and is this the sort of apology Mr. Blackstone would wish to be made for him, who was the elite of the committee, after, as the phrase goes, " the brains had been knocked out of it ?" The members must take their choice between two alternatives; either they were corrupt or they were stupid, and it has been a maxim from the time of Chaucer, if not long before his time, that To be once fool'd is,worse than twice be-knaved. Mr Blackstone and his colleagues could hardly have been aware of this direct inference from their positive denial of corruption, or they would have been tne last to h.ive drawn attention to Mr. Poulter's address. As to the distinction between pecuniary and political corrupti()n it was admitted at once, and this was all that could le coaxed out of Mr; Poulter when he was re-called, at ihe instance of Lord Stanley, in the hope that, though in the words of Sir Edward Sugden, he would not make " the slightest possible apology," he might be induced to say something which would enable the Tories, who had so indiscreetly brought it forward, to hush up the matter and to pocket the affront. Mr. Poulter firmly adhered to Ins charge of political corruption against the members of the Shaftesbury committee, and they,
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