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Atlas Newspaper Archive: March 31, 1838 - Page 1

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   Atlas (Newspaper) - March 31, 1838, London, Middlesex                                on the largest sheet printed. No. 620. Vol. XIII.] SATURDAY, MARCH 31, 1838. early edition in time for post. THE ATLAS OF THIS DAY CONTAINS:- PAGE Politician...................... 193 East Indian and Colonial Atlas. . 194 Foreign News ................. 194 Imperial Parliament............ 195 British News.................. 198 Meetings...................... 198 Scotland...................... 198 Ireland........................ 198 JLasy Heports.................. 198 Assizes........................ 198 Police Reports ................ 199 Accidents and Offences ........ 199 Omnium...................... 199 Miscellanea....................200 Theatrical Intelligence ........200 Saturday's News...............200 Weekly Retrospect of the Money .  Market.....................200 Leading Articles............... 201 PAGE An Act of Royal Grace.......... 201 Theatricals.................... 202 LITEUATURE. Alice ; or, the Mysteries: a Sequel to "Ernest Maltravers.. 202 Memoirs of Joseph Grimaldi (2d notice)...................... 203 Mortimer Delmar; and Highfleld Tower...................... 204 New Music.................... 204 Fine Arts .................... 204 Literary and Scientific Institu- tioni............i...........205 The Army .................... 205 Gazettes...............^......205 Banking and Monetary Atlas----205 Births, Marriages, and Deaths .. 206 Advertisements................206 THE POLITICI AJN. FOREIGN POLICY OF THE WHIG MINISTRY. Morning Herald-Oijr readers must, of course, be aware of the singular modesty of the Whig-Radical ministers of this country, and their remarkable backwardness to avow the great merit of their policy. It is only now and then, and upon extreme occasions, that they are induced to remove from their lofty heads the veil which in general they think it right to throw over their sublime cogitations for the good of this nation; but, when they do think proper to aazzle the world with a sight of the principles upon which they work, it must be acknowledged that their intrepidity is wonderful. All modest scruple is laid aside for the occasion, and they absolutely astound the public with a view of wisdom, so elevated, and political designs so extensive, as the people had not previously even so much as imagined. A revelation of this kind has just now been made as to the foreign policy of this country. For a long time ministers have gone on, suffering the people of these kingdoms to believe that there was nothing in the foreign policy of the government either very, magnificent in design or very glorious in accomplishment, pi all those who have directed attention to the foreign policy of Great Britain for the last seven years, we are persuaded that by far the greater number have been under the impression that it scarcely deserved the name of a system at all. It has appeared to be either tame acquiescence in foreign arrangements, arising out of indolent apathy regarding them, or else paltry underhand intervention in the internal disputes of foreign kingdoms-an intervention from which Great Britain has derived all the odium which attends upon ineffectually meddling with the concerns of foreign states, without one particle of the advantage which a nation derives from creating a European impression of its determination to promote general peac^and good order, and its power to put an end to intestine strife in those foreign kingdoms with which a peaceful and profitable commercial intercourse would be so desirable. But we are now informed, upon demi-official authority, that the people of Great Britain have been all along quite blind to the real nature of the foreign policy of the present government. It is now revealed to the public that a system in aid of European civil liberty, no less grand than the Elizabethan system in aid of religious liberty in Europe, is that of which Lord Viscount Palmerston has been the calm, lofty, and dignified director. This is, indeed, an astounding revelation ; and the more we consider the subject, the more are we overcome by a sense of the curious felicity with %vhich this grand system has been hitherto concealed. How cunningly did Lord Palmerston keep the world in the dark ! Who could have supposed that the protocols, in number four score, less one, of which four years ago the world heard so much; that the " intimate union" with the government of Lous Philip ; that the orders in council, suspending the Foreign Enlistment Act; that the countenance afforded to the transport of fighting " rogues and raparees" to Spain ; that the exploits of General De Lacy Evans, arid the decoration of that magnaninious general and ministerial member for Westminster with the grand cross of the Bath;-who, we say, could have imagined that all these strokes of policy had for their object the furtherance of the cause of civil liberty in Europe, just as the foreign policy begun under Elizabeth, and consummated under William III. and Anne, had for its object the aid of religious freedom in Europe, and the overthrow of the Romish system of domination ? Certainly, the people of England and of Europe would never have found out the secret of Lord Palmerston's policy, unless he had himself thought proper to cause it to be revealed. In like manner the designs of the philosopher, visited by Rasselas and his companfons, would, probably, have never been fathomed, unless he had himself acquainted them that he was busy in regulating the succession of the seasons, and governing to good purpose the varieties of the weather. There is one important point which even the revelations now made by the government journals on the part of Lord Palmerston still leave in obscurity ;-^we mean the peculiar nature of the success which has attended his great system for the promotion of civil liberty in Europe. The secret of this is yet to be opened up to the public. To ordinary vulgar perception, the amount of civil liberty enjoyed under Louis Philip, to which the " intimate union" with the Palmerston government so much contributed, is not greater than was enjoyed under former dynasties, and we do not hear of much moral improvement in French society or French literature. In Portugal, a kingdom which was honoured with a more than ordfnarv share of Lord Pal- merston's devotedness, the advancement of civil liberty, and the peace and security which are its legitimate fruits, cannot be said to be obvious. The state of Spain, to which country not only the anxious thoughts of Lord Palmerston, but the brilliant exertions of General Evans, have been devoted, does not appear upon the surface a very enviable one, or more enviable than in former times, when Lord Palmerston languished in obscurity as a subordinate officer of Tory governments. We are not aware that civil liberty flourishes more in Belgium, now that by the Palmerstonian policy it is an independent kingdom under the wing of Prance, than it formerly did when Belgium was under the sway of the Protestant Monarch of the Netherlands. We beg leave to suggest that the ministerial revelations have not yet gone quite far enough. They have informed us of the magnificence of Lord Palmerston's designs, but we await in longing suspense a statement of the beneficial effects which, in conformity with these designs, have been produced. We hope the government papers will soon give us information on this subject, if Lord Palmerston should be too bashful to do so in the debate to-night upon Lord Eliot's motion. ROMAN CATHOLIC OATHS. Morning Chronicle-The Bishop of Exeter made last night (Tuesday) his threatened speech on Catholic oaths, on moving for papers respecting the Bishop of Malta's refusal to take the oath required on his appointment to be a member of the council of government. The right reverend prelate admitted that his speech was an idle waste of the time of Parliament, as nothing that the legislature could do short of making the Irish once more hewers of wood and drawers of water would be of the least avail. To prevent Catholics from being returned to the House of Commons " would not do now, because, in the first place, if Roman Catholics were no longer elected asrepresentatives of the Irish constituencies in Parliament, and the same power was left in the hands of the priesthood in that country, they would adopt a means by which the scandal would be transferred from the church of Rome to the church of England; they would induce men who called themselves Protestants-worthless, unprincipled men, ready to do the bidding of the priests-^to sit in the places vacated by the Roman Catholics; and nothing would therefore be obtained but the transfer of the stain from the Roman Catholic church to the church of England." " It would be necessary," he said, " also to excluc all Roman Catholic constituencies from the power of voting, for, if this was not done, mischief only would be produced; and unless, therefore, the House should be prepared to go to the whole extent which he had suggested, some other course would be adopted." His lordship apprehended " that tliere would be difficulties in the way of obtaining any enactment which should go to the extent which should be requisite ;" and we quite agree with his lordship that there would be difficulties. It requires no ghost to tell us that; and therefore, as nothing can be done by law, we would suggest to the right reverend prelate the expediency of having recourse to other means. There is a paraphrase of a Greek epigram might be studied by his lordship to some advantage:- Can you by your physic Take from me my old phthisic ! No, I cannot by physic Take from you your old phthisic ; But I can by physic Take you from your phthisic. His lordship in the course of his speech showed that the difference between the Catholic and the Protestant was this, that the Protestant kept his own conscience, but the conscience of the Catholic was kept by the priest. Take, we say to his lordship, the conscience from the priest by making Protestants of the people; and, as a rich clergy has failed to do this, make trial of a poor clergy. Our Saviour had not on earth whereon to lay his head, and his doctrines square very ill with the practices of a rich es-tabhshment. In England where the people are already Protestants, it is not so essential that the clergy of the establishment should be in accordance with the precepts of the New Testament; but when men, as their warrant to convert Catholics, go with the New Testament in their hand, their example, if they hope to succeed, should not give the lie to that warrant. The right reverend prelate said, " he spoke particularly of the church of Ireland, because he considered that nothing was to be feared from those Roman Catholics of England who had obtained seats in either of the Houses of Parliament; and in his mind it would be a breach of contract with those noble lords and honourable gentlemen in that situation, who had faithfully adhered to the obligations under which they had placed themselves, if measures were proposed with a view of depriving them of the benefit which had been conferred upon them. Not so, however, with regard to Ireland." Alas! what a satire on the assembly he was addressing ! The English Catholics, who are so good that the bishop would not expel them, would have been left to the consolation of their virtues till doomsday, had not the Irish Catholics forced the doors of Parliament and dragged them along with them. The English Catholics were so good that nobody cared for them ; the Irish Catholics did not trust to their virtues alone. Upon the whole we think no earthly good can come of delivering libels in Parliament against the third part of the people of these kingdoms. If the priests influence the people, what can be hoped for from abuse of the priests? We can understand why a repealer should worship men like the Bishop of Exeter. ireland and the irish church. Times-A topic which took place of Lord Eliot's reso-' lution on Tuesday was one which has at all times pressed closely upon the attention and feelings of the whole community. Itwas that never-ending, still-beginning nuisance, the Irish policy of the Queen's ministers. It was provoked, moreover, by Lord John Russell, a^^ho seems to be now in a condition so inextricable, and plunged beyond his depth in a Popish vassalage so terrible, that " retreating were more tedious than go o'er." His lordship, as was manifest from the documents he brought with him, came doAvn to the House armed to the elbow with an elaborate impromptu reply to a question which he knew beforehand that Sir Robert Peel would be compelled by the noble lord's own proceeding to ask of him-namely, what were the intentions of the O'Connell cabinet with reference to that grand measure, the Irish Tithe Adjustment Bill, upon the strength of which-upon the promise of bringing forward which-upon the solemn pledge of carrying which through Parliament, this same Lord J. Russell and his accomplices rode roughshod into office just three long years ago ? The answer to Sir Robert Peel's interrogatory was, that on the 30th of April there would be submitted to the House of Commons the ministerial measure of 1838 for " settling" the Irish tithe question. His lordship stated further, that the proposed bill was to be so new, so comprehensive, so unlike all those which had preceded it, that it could not by possibility be founded on "any one" resolution such as had been affirmed in former years. But it was to stand on no, less than thirteen resolutions, driven like so many piles into the muddy bottom of the Whig-Romish policy, to support that bridge whereby Drs. M'Hale and Murray were to be heralded by O'Connell within the ramparts of our Protestant constitution. But Lord John Russell vaunted something more on behalf of this paladium of Whig fame and honour. . He annoiaiced that " his measure, if carried, would do that without which no measure could be comprehensive and final-namely, it would give security to the church on the one hand, and give satisfaction to the people of Ireland on the other." How is all this ? We have heard that " fine words butter no parsnips." Fine words have indeed buttered some people's bread. Mr. Daniel O'Connell's bread-Lord John Russell's bread, has been buttered by them, and on both sides too. But this fresh attempt at buttering by fine words will hardly serve the purpose now intended. Who are those of the people of Ireland that require to have " satisfaction" given them by any meddling with the established church ? Lord John Russell did not mean the Protestants of Ireland-^he could not. He admits that it is " security" which they (the Protestants) stand in need of, and that by the people of Ireland he means no other than the priests and agitating Papists. Now these men have one and all declared, a thousand times over, that what affords " security" to the church will not afibrd them " satisfaction," but the reverse; for that they will never rest, nor cease to agitate, until the church, in all its temporalities, has been "completely overturned." We should like to have this in some reasonable degree explained for country gentlemen by Lord John Russell or his master. But there is other authority, and a more imposing one, if not more respectable, than that of his lordship-viz., that majority of the House of Commons which, with the noble lord's full concurrence, and at his express instance, placed on record its decided judgment as to what would, and what only could, lead to "a final and satisfactory adjustment of the tithe question,"-to wit, a provision " whereby any surplus of the church revenues not required for the spiritual care of its members should be applied to the general education of her Majesty's subjects without distinction of religious persuasion." Well, then, we have, first, the above resolution of the House of Commons of 1835, that nothing short of the appropriation (or spoliation) clause would give satisfaction to the people of Ireland-that is to O'Connell and the Papists; second, we have the incessant and clamorous proclamations of the said O'Connell, that even the clause for a partial plundering of the church was in his eyes so far from satisfactory to the people, or conducive to the peace of Ireland, that he considered it no better than a pitiful instalment of 2s. 6d. in the pound out of a debt of 20s.; third, we have, in the letters, pastoral, polemical, and pugnacious, of that mild and gentle shepherd, John Tuam, a pretty fair specimen of what he means by that " general education" which the House of Commons majority in 1835 pronounced to be essential to the peace of Ireland- viz., that no book should be admitted into any school paid for out of the confiscated revenues of the Protestant church, though professing to be set on foot for the joint education of Protestant children and Papists, save and except such book as he or one of his mitred brethren should formally authorize and sanction for that purpose- that no teacher should dare to give instruction in such a school, save only such teacher as he (M'Hale) or some other mitred autocrat, should formally appoint, and such as should be liable to dismissal at his pleasure!-that no teacher brought up and qualified for his office at any "normal" school governed or superintended by a Protestant should be suffered to act as a schoolmaster to any of the M'Hale flock. Once more we call upoii the majority of the House of Commons-is this then the cause of " religious liberty !" for which ye are undermining the Protestant reformed church ? Is it for a community of Papists, trampled on and ground down by the cloven-hoof of this   

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