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   Atlas (Newspaper) - February 3, 1838, London, Middlesex                                & General fi.tM9u9.tx unit iTflttrnal of WLtttvutuvt. on the largest sheet printed. No. 612 Vol. XIIIJ SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1838. [ EARLY EDITION IN TIME FOR POST. THE ATLAS OF THIS PAOK Politician.........65 East India and Colonial Atlas . . 66 Imperial Parliament.....68 Foreign News.......69 British News.......69 Ireland.........69 Law Reports.......70 Police Offices.......70 Accidents and Offences .... 70 Wreck of the Killarney Steamer . 70 Omnium......�.  .  . 70 Army Movements.....71 Banking and Monetary Atlas .  . 71 -Important Decision Affecting Cle-.  rical Partners in Banks . .  . 72 Reviews.........72 Weekly Retrospect of the Money Market........  . 73 DAY CONTAINS :- PAOB Saturday.........73 Leaders..........73 The  Controverted Privileges of the House of Commons. ... 74 Theatricals.........75 LITERATURE. Memoirs of Joseph Holt .... 75 Raff Hall.........76 Literary Memoranda.....76 Music and Musicians.....76 Cazettes..........76 Literary and Scientific Institutions ..........78 Army..........78 Universities........78 Births. Marriages, and Deaths .  . 78 The Markets........78 Advertisements .......78 T H E POLl T1 C 1 A JN. the duke  of wellington's character as a politician. Westminster Review-It has been customary to decry the political talents of the Duke of Wellington. The liberals, especially the Whigs, never fail to ran at them, and even the Tories do now and then slily fling a stone and pass onward. His firmness of character, his habits of business, his dispassionate method of examining questions of importance, and his unwearied diligence, have been admitted; they could not be denied with decerov ; but then it has always been added, " He is only a soldier, what can he know of politics ?" To this peremptory mode of estimating his attainments and capacity, it has been fruitlessly objected-1st, That the force and sharpness of intellect, which had penetrated all the secrets of war, might possibly have penetrated the secrets of policy. 2d, That in conducting the affairs of a nation it is no mean part to know how to direct great bodies of men towards a,given object, whether civil or military, it matters .'not Whicb^ in regard to the exercise of the mind, since in .both a unjoji of moral influence and physical force is requisite, the only difference being, that in war the pressure must be more forcible and prompt, proportionate to the greater exigency. 3d, That the controlling of armies and ;their attendant multitudes, the aCTangements necessary to, vis^raib^ eonstaiit^gaance ana acuteness Tequared to observe and detect the enemy's proceedings and plans, constitute important branches of administrative policy, and were familiar to Wellington. The answer has however been always the same. " He is only a soldier, what can he know of politics ?" It was in vain, that on such occasions,,it has been urged that he was not simply a soldier, seeing, that in India he had governed districts of country larger than England, that he had been engaged in several difficult aud important ne-gociations in that distant country, and had, on his return, shown himself more able to explain and to defend his brother's general administration of that empire when it "was impeached, more able than that brother, so vaunted for his political talents, was to defend it himself. That he liad, as secretary of state, conducted the government of Ireland, whether for good or evil as regards the -general interests of the empire rightly understood is immaterial, but in Ireland he had been practised in domestic politics, and while by his indefatigable industry, and his vigorous, honest habits of business, he gave a tone to the government, quite unusual in that country of official idleness, jobs, and peculations, he had the rarer merit of restraining, in some measure, the public profligacy, and forcing the vice which could not blush to be less shameless of display. That in Spain and Portugal he had, for several years, been involved in the political as well as the military relations which England maintained with the governments of those countries, and with the government of the Brazils ; and that to deal successfully with such arrogant, pugnacious, and chaotic administrationswas also good practice in the political art. That in France, after the war, he had, as general-in-chief of the confederate army, managed all the political affairs appertaining to the occupation of that country. That, as ambassador at the Congress of Vienna and at Paris, he had opportunities for making himself master of our principles of foreign policy, and having to deal with the great diplomatists of Europe, he did there successfully deal with them during the most important general political crisis of modern times. Finally, that so much experience, added to great natural powers and happy qualities of mind, could not fail to make a proficient in state affairs, since the political art, like all other arts, is matter of practice and principle conjoined, and, experience being equal the greatest mind must naturally make the greatest"progress. Wherefore, as neither the natuial talents of the'Duke of Wellington, nor his experience in the management of state questions, nor, what was of more importance to England, his probity and his industry, could be denied, it followed that ne must be a statesman. But all such arguments, and reference to facts, were continually met by the parrot repetition of the words, " he is a soldier, what can he know of politics ?" Thus rebuffed, we were forced to ask ourselves what this occult matter of politics might be ? and to admire in silence a dispensation of Providence which rendered it a sealed book to Wellington and all his soldiers, though, like the door of the robber's cave, it opened miraculously to the sesame, of an Eton or Westminster schoolboy; provided always that the schoolboy was a scion of a gifted family, one of the chosen, upon whom rottenborough interest fell like the manna of heaven. It could not be a knowledge of mankind, because an Eton boy knew nothing of that lore, and Wellington was expe- rienced in it; he had studied it experimentally, and his school was a multitude of nations. It could not be a knowledge of official details, nor habits of business, for in these things Wellington was remarkable. It could not depend upon opportunities to acquire a knowledge of the feelings and supposed interests of the different nations of the world; for to no man in England had so many opportunities been given. It could not depend upon mental dignity and force of intellect, since it was notorious that, abroad and at home, Wellington had acquired and sustained a remarkable personal ascendancy over all the great politicians and generatfr.-of Europe with whom he was brought into contact. Numerous are the stories of his abruptness, of his singularities, but there are none of his weaknesses. He has been called the stern duke, the implacable duke, the iron duke; and often the victorious duke; but the credulous duke, the, silly duke he has never been called. Many have opposed and many have submitted to him; many have feared him, and many, very many, also love and revere him. Villifjed he has been, but never despised. His wrath has been dangerous to some, his wisdom and courage have afforded shelter and safety to others, but he has always stood collected and alone, a mark upon which men's ey es were turned in fear or hope. What then, we asked ourselves, constituted this political art,; which a man gifted with such qualities could not attain? Here,was vigour of body and of mind: here was,extraordinary quickness of perception, unwearied application, dispassionate investigation* coolness of temper, undaunted courage, physical and moral, and the habitude of conducting great affairs, aye! so successfully conducting them, that envious men turned in bitterness to demand of fortune why she cherished such a favourite ? But all this availed not! Wellington was only a soldier, what could he know of politics ? To ordinary minds, however, it did appear that such a man must be a politician1;? that such- an education, combined with such natural qiu^ties, must have made the Duke of Wellington, we will'not say & Napoleon, be* cause there are some men, and Naj^olec4i was one of theiQ, who are permitted at times torule the world! with singlej iinapproaHaatu^ majesty of mind rrmt we wffl iay that; take a high, place among English 'Statesmen*Who was; to go before him ? Was the ruthless ignorance of Clu^e^ reagh, the meretricious declamation of Car^itig, bi the Eompous imbecility of Liverpool, to be eatiinated- above is blunt honesty of purpose,' supported by ^ch extensile practical knowledge? Was the digmifiiea^dulness of a Grenville, or the rapacity of Lord Grey, more valuahle to the country than the duke's simplicity; and disinterestedness ? i Id the astute vagueness of Sir Robert > Feeftgp^ly policy, or Lord John Russell's mincing Whi�|^ry home, and raging Toryism in Canada, to be preferred-Jo the long exercised intellectual strength, the/ xj^Afvigour, of Wellington? Who would most. worth% uphold the honour and dignity of the country ?  The man who sue-cessfnily conducted the great war in the Peninsula, or the men who'blundered into the stupid non-intervention - war in Spain, and who, in the name/, of liberty, hirre so unsuccessfully endeavoured to oppress the pppiidar party in Portugal: and, in the name of      government, have driven the Canadas to armed:; re^s^ef^^b^'^ to turn from the duke to seek a statesman, amongst the faction who paid the pretended Dutch debt to avoid, the chance of a collision with Russia, when, Vsi^lir part Of the sum would have sent the Swedish nation-in a mass upon Petersburgh?  Are we to call those men statesmen who have seen, unmoved, the Russians stalk in blood through Sarmatia, and beheld them with stupid patience at the gates of Constantinople, demanding the k%s^ of the Mediterranean ?   Those men who, calling themselves Englishmen, do yet suffer the blockade of Circassia, the seizure of the Vixen, and with equal apathyi or] rather craven fear, permit the rights of humanity and tlte interests of Europe to be trampled upon in Poland/and the rights and interests of England to be invaded, and hec flag outraged on the Black Sea. * * * We have been led into this train of thought by the perusal of the volumes-(C<& Gurtoood's Dispatcher) which1 have furnished tt heading for this article.  It ise grand publication, affording the; most triumphant refutation .of the sneering absurdity; which we have endeavoured to" expose.  The proofs arei numerpus and irrefragable,' that 'the duke is a great' soldier, a great statesman/ and withal an honest ,man. * * * In these characteristics of genius aU the three works (Ctesar's Commentaries,, Napoleon's Memoirs, m& Wellington's Dispatches) resemble each, other.- But in[ the case of Caesar, it is the foremost man of the world directing posterity how.to view his actions.  In the case, ofl Napoleon, it is still the foremost man of the world, instructing that world how to judge sanely of the,great mi-, litary and political questions of an age most fertile in such questions, and most fertile also in raise judgments, passionate distortions, and wilful calumnies.  In the case of Wellington, it is not the foremost man, but it is the second military man of the'world, telling his own story, like the; others, but not with reflection and consideration of the; effect to be produced.   Not with the natural tenderness, j and inevitable leaning of self-love, and the carefulness; of; reputation, which must inevitably shed their influence I over such works when written at leisure and in the closet. ;| His tale is told unpremeditated^, in the field, amidst the din of arms from day to day, sometimes from hour to hour; his feelings, his emotions, his passions, all laid bare; in fine, the real mind and character of the man is discovered ; his hopes, his fears, his anxieties, his crosses, his disappointments are displayed even at the moment and as they arise. We have Wellington, not such as he may now think he was, or ought to have been, but such as he really wa6, when, like a mighty fabric reared to guide the wanderers on wide waters, though ten thousand surges of folly beat at his feet, and a tempest of war whistled round his head, he stood unmoved, impassable, with light un-quenched, with strength unshaken, until the horizon cleared, the waves subsided, and the admiring world beheld him in his true proportions. We would not, however, have it understood, that we think the whole of the duke's correspondence is laid without reserve before the public. We have heard otherwise, and we know of some omissions. Indeed there must inevitably be some opinions of men and measures, some ebullitions of indignant scorn or complaint, some angry truths suppressed; and it is more than probable that his present political connections and opinions have influenced the selection. An amiable tenderness towards men whose faults were only of the Head, would also lead him to suppress some disagreeable truths. And many, no doubt, it would be improper to repeat, regard being had to his situation at the time they were written. Enough, however, is given to satisfy history ; enough to prove that Wellington is a statesman, a patriot, a politician, a wise, temperate, and humane man. the bourgeoisie of france. Monthly Magazine-The fruits of vast conquests in Europe were accompanied by an idea that political power and importance was chiefly constituted by extensive possession of territory. The French revolution has originated a sentiment not less remarkable-viz. the rights of intellect, and the influence of wisdom. On this basis is at present erected the citizen-government of the French- fixed as to principles, but changeable as to persons--and built, upon a foundation which the efforts of democracy cannot easily destroy. The institutions'of that government are suitable to the genius and intelligences of the middle classes-uniformity of manners creates uniformity of admimstration-^-and the union of a multiplicity of interests is the best guarantee for a duration of a eoverrl-inent which protects them, and the mo6t reasonable defence, as well as the most legitimate argument, that can be ^opposed to the numerous attempts or to the specious Sophistry of democratic innovators. It is not here intended to establish, in an absolute manner, that the principle of .centralization is the essence of the government of the bourgeoisie. Every people in the world may maintain ^e sapremacy of its own habits, manners, and under-stending. At the same time, it would be difficult for an impartial observer not to recognise something materially [centralizing in the principles of the Reform Bill in Eng-landrr-in the great federal faction, which in reality was 'an incipient bourgeoisie, formed exactly one century too prematurely, in America-or in the political systems of %f�^HSountries, that land of old franchises and local liberties. There, as in France, may be seen the juste? milieu party warring against liberalism in questions of prrudpies, combatting against the aristocracy in matters of interior organization, and occupying itself hi the af- gradually France in a sfcort time, and emanated from roots profoundly planted* to an extent calculated to astonish the superficial reasoner, the secret impulse must be looked for in the ad-mimstrative division of territory and the constitution of the year �111., whi^lormed such important epochs in the history of an extraordinary revolution. To say to a great people-" Henceforth you will cease to Hear those familiar nominal distinctions which hitherto have invariably met your ears: those ;$rwririces, whose traditions And legendary lore you are accustomed to love, and those local glories of which you have bean wont to be proud-all are about to vanishi-all disappear-all be consigned to oblivion in one day: your history will be torn and sc|ttfe*red'to triewinds-and not one page shall be left;- and instead of those glorious reminiscences, you shall have ig|ity-six departments; described and marked at hazard, according to the course of a river or obscure stream, or io;tJte distributionof circumstances and chance:"-to hold such language to a great, a proud, and a powerful �people,;may -appear sti^ge; but that those tones of authority were j obeyed without resistance, must seem far more ^singular still! The future, however, consecrated trie atteinpt; and, to use the words of a celebrated French writer,; "the constituent assembly gave new life and youth to France in casting her, disencumbered and divested of her past fourteen centuries of a despotic grandeur, into an eera then so Sombre and gloomy-an sera of doubt arid dreaar-r-butari rera that has produced such extraordinary resulte !"^(M. L. de Carne.) The English reasoner, who refleets, on the nature of passing events in the quiet seclusion iof his study, cannot, however, be otherwise than astonished, when he recollects that during a period of seven yea^,.na serious and really dangerous attack has been made against the principles of the administrative institu-tionsi in France. The democratic school has invariably, since the revolution of 1830, maintained itself in a sphere of general, and not^ individual politics, and has chiefly occupied its mind with diplomatic questions which involve the existence of peace or war, arid which prove thnj it still retains a morbid inclination towards a state of hos-   

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