Sunday, November 26, 1815

Anti Gallican Monitor

Location: London, Middlesex

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Anti Gallican Monitor (Newspaper) - November 26, 1815, London, Middlesex THE ANTIGALLICAN MONITOR " Peace be to Frauce, if France in Peace permit The just and lineal entrance to our own : "If not, bleed France-a�d Peace ascend to Heaven/ -SlIAKF.RPr.AR*. NOVEMBER 86, �815. !What ha* given occasion to these remarks is, . tin* charge which has been lately made in some : ot our periodical publications against Miss He-t i.f.n Maria Williams, particularly in o <e jj Sunday Newspaper, notorious for the most steady * attachment to the cause of the Corsican, because, I in a late very interesting narrative which she has given of the political events in France during nine months back, she has spoken with littl� reverence of the cause and character of Buonaparte. This Lady has therefore incurred the WHAT IS APOSTACY ? ffo word in the political vocabulary requires a pod definition more than this. Words without meaning. �r with wrong meanings annexed to them, have do tie moreharm during the last twenty-five years than �hey have done since the commencement of toe Christian aera. For, I would ask, from whom have we heard the terms and expressions of *� Liberty-Philosophy-ilnnour -Glory-Love�f Country-Reform." &r. but /rom a set of the mftit unprincipled and tin feel- * �ing persons <with very few exceptions indeed) | j1'-'1 displeasure of some persons whom I myself tint ever disgraced any country ? Can we just- j J1;*.1'*; for sim'h�r reasons offended, and I therefore |y call that an enlightened age when the a'lmse ' 1  of words, as much as the abuse of power, have contributed to enslave mankind ? The end, to be 8ure, was not attained ; but we cannot help but tremble when we consider how near it �as to be so. But no term has been of more convenient use to those horrible impostors, the Friends of Liberty and Modern . Philosophers, as they call themselves, than the term Apottacy. The great majority of mankind are ApobU carelen*"or ignorant: let only an impudent quack in polities cry out, that such or such a mau is f the mob. and of those confederates in villainy who would sacrifice every thing to attain iheir own ends, but especially him who, mistaking their object, and supposing it to have been laudable, had at first attached himself to their cause. But if we would act in a manner to obtain the approbation of our o*n conscience and ��f houest men, and of posterity* we should endeavour to ascertain what is glory, what is patriotism, what is np^stacy, ikv. and when we find a system erected not on mere names, bat on the things themselves, we should attach our^elvefc to it, and when we tini that men desert the system but would retain the name, it is our duty to operate ourselves from them, to mimask and expose them as soon an possible.-- How, how have the soi-disant ii Friends of Liberty" in this country acted ? At the commencement of the French Revolution they pie-tended to be the Friends of Revolutionary Liberty in France; a* v. ell us in England ; in short to be a | �peciesol Universal Philanthropists or Cosmopo- 1 lites, whose labours were directed to the improve-flient not of one nation alone, but lo that of the whole human race : but when French Liberty was converted into despotism, though it still affected the garb, which it had assumed at the beginning, these same universal phik.u? hro-pistsadhered to the men who had trampled liberty under foot-'first the libertv of their own country, and then the liberty and independence of surrounding nations ;nnd this slavish adhering to men and to names,-not to things, they call constancy, fidelity, consistency, attachment to the cause of Liberty, &e. though their conduct thec and since has proved that public 1 hi ciple had no share in any of their actions- th;tt their purposes were .selfish-that Party was their God, and that the great objt-ct which they hitii in view, namely, that of promoting a Revolution in this country, would, in their eyes, sanction every means which they might make use of think her cause and mine the same. ' At the commencement of the French Revolution, and for some time after, she, as well as �myself, was attached to the cause of Liberty, as it then appeared in Fiance ; we were in the habit of seeing and conversing with persons in this country, who professed similar attachment to the cause of Liberty, and of the French Revolution ; and though 1 was never personally acquainted with Miss Williams, there existed between us a congeniality of feeling and sentiment in favour of the great cause of Liberty, as we thought that to be for which men were then contending. So far as the writings of Mis a Helen Maria Williams and my humble exertions were in favour of the French Revolution, and against the British Government, so far were we every thing that is great and good in the eyes of those who would now find fault with us.- IN Fibs Williams, after a residence of ^0 years in France, and I, after a residence of nine years in that country, come forward and tell the world what kind of Liberty that was which the French people enjoyed from the Revolution, and what Buonaparte was, and the nature and object of hia system of Government ; and all at. once no credit is to be given to our statements, mid we are arraigned as Apostates by those very persons, who, until that time, held us to lie very deserving of faith. And by uhom is our veracity arraigned ? By persons of mfWmiuiuu, who have been in France, and wt.o huve had an opportunity of seeing, with their own eyes, what was doing, and hearing, with their own ear;:, the iicntimcntH of Frenchmen themselves, as to the nature of the changes which had taken place ? No r.uch thing--no Foreigner or Englishman, who lived in France during any period of the Revolutions or during the despotism of Buonaparte, ever spoke a word, or wrote a line in favour of Buo-n a ip arte, o? of the Revolution. And who arc the persons., or what is their description, who presume to oppose their reasonings,, or rather their assertions,, to the observation and experience of others ? Why, men who never set foot in France, who never crossed the Channel, and who have picked up their politics in debating societies, or in club-rooms*-charity boys, fellows who are indebted for their education to the munificence of their country and its government, and yet the lir.t use they make of that education, and the little talents which they po�sei>b, if) to libel the Government and the character of their country, and to extol every act of BuoN apart r.. A r.tiipling, who comes under the above description, who never loses- an opportunity of praising Buo-I naparte, ban t;|keu the liberty of censuring :| what he calls the Ap>-stacy of Miss Williams; |i but so utterly ignorant is this foolish boy *ft, 1 1 ah .i-   1 ^ . * of what was, oris the state of the public feeling to accomplish it. All this is evident to any one 1. , 5 ,,1 b .. 11! 1 c+\ !'.� 1 1 , � , �' s with respect to Buonaparte in r ranee, among who will take a view 01 the political conduct ol i , ,. . . ... _ j 1.. . , 1  .1 � ; 1 �, ii .1 1 rank.; except the military, that 8 will tt'.ke * public niim in this country, both writers 111 1 , , . . . . J h iiDuii niyse I to assert, that ii he hud attempted to favour of libertv and politicians by profession, !j win-, have pio!es>t ind friends, when reasontt weighty were o lie red. He knew how they should he addressed, & was seldom disappointed. The Friends of Liberty (not the friends of I Government) were alwayi; the objects of hio seducing arts- But some think that a new charge of incou^ sistency may be fairly brought against meQ because S 'tin not so zealous an advocate in sup� port of the Bourbons as formerly. But no suck charge can be justly made. Could it be expect-ed that Louis XVS1L after his restoration;, would have followed a revolutionary course of politics? Could I huve thought that he would have opened his arms to wretehey who disgraced the nameof Frenchmen ? Could 1 have thought that he would have called miscreanto 1 without birth, without education,, without virtue.3 _ , . 1 1, in this countrv, *tn�- ugu authority in France in the most open | ^ ami undisguised manner, they bailed him as a ,| Fiiej.o to liberty, and afterwards, when he made j ttui-eii 1< inpeior, they found this change also � votinsleut with iheir notions of Liberty, ai: ed witii the French Bevolf >n tl say in ['ranee, in the way of conversation;, what | without one<<park of real hon ur--robbers & as* or written in favour of Buon a parte 1 bus's'iuh, his 66 dear Cousins r" Could i have ima� he would have been taken tip as | gined that he would have left the whole power of ruly sensible was Buo N a PARTS | the State in the hands of such men ? In a vvord9 "lis govern- jj could I have thought that he would become the himself, as v-ell as every member of meut, of the public hat red--so uttei writ: they of public feeling, that they Ih j.w ad ,pt- puiiasscoi' Buon apaute, and aukwardly ape the man who wan driven from his throne i My object cd the tyiant's motto,, odaiat dum mcluanl ; and | in supporting the causeof Louth X\ III. -.vas to an baui eives, ;:,(! apply to that conduct, which resulted bom she closest and most accurate union, the i-^ukb of iucousisteacy and mo^!. jusiiy hi;.-.peered arv native or foreigner \ who would speak in public in their favour--! am now speaking of u hat I know to be fact : in the very zenith of 'Buo'wapa' rte's power the people ol France regretted the Revolution, and detested Buonaparte ; and they thought, and justly | too, thacany man, especially any foreigner, who attempted to praise the Gt/verumeut of Buowa- coinbai the Rt.'volutuMi with the priucipha! lei-timaey, as from a long residence in France, # , ' knew that that was the only method of doing it with effect; but 1 never was one of those who/" contended, that, under every possible circum-j// stance, legitimacy is iutitted ,to support : thafef^ would be jiiist as perverse and as ab-iiifi, as is'j&T the conduct of thpgc who pm*v every tiling $4

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