Anti Gallican Monitor, August 27, 1815

Anti Gallican Monitor

August 27, 1815

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Issue date: Sunday, August 27, 1815

Pages available: 8

Previous edition: Sunday, August 20, 1815

Next edition: Sunday, September 3, 1815

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Publication name: Anti Gallican Monitor

Location: London, Middlesex

Pages available: 2,262

Years available: 1811 - 1817

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All text in the Anti Gallican Monitor August 27, 1815, Page 1.

Anti Gallican Monitor (Newspaper) - August 27, 1815, London, Middlesex niirJi iiibwiii T _mil uiftjjfj.ww*_ '! h* ^ France,!? $Vn*r* in Paacepcripit  * The just and line*l *aMr*r.ce to car ow*' � Knot, Fr*nce-4nwJ�*cendtb fteAifen �^tiA*k��*A*�. The following it a tmpilatjorj of the profit artist hi* transportation to St. y deuu, which UuonAr^iititpreseateo;to Lord Keith � Lpc�H*V^#*�ltlf J� �h, fw� of w�4 of ton, against .the. YH*�ta IW, ��� s�*re4 rights by the forcible V�|MJ|I of mV persott, *�"> of my liberty. I clime freely �* bc^H� BWrophoh: I �m n�t tba prisoner, 4lwps seated osv Mini ts*. Bcllerppbwci i was immeU tbe Bnfttb people. |f the Gavaraaaettt by firing order* to tit* Captain of Ok Belleropbon Bat how did they answer it io England ? They pretended to hold out an hospitable hand to this enemy* aod when he surrendered himself to them in rood faith they sacrificed kina." On board the BeTterophoB at aea, Augu.ts, |$iS. NAPOLEON, i .....in " Ferdinand Meade e Pinto was hut atypc of thee- " Thou liar of the first raafnitade." Conors**:. Above i* � �opy of Buonaparte's Protest Against the setisritf and injustice of the British^ Gorermneot in i�ading hint to Saint Helena. I thought 1 had done with this man, but this instrument is so very singular in itself, and is of bitch importance for Party {iurffOt.es, that it requires a few observations. Impudence and falsehood have beeu two of the principal charac*. teristics of this into'* life, and be teems to cling to therm, to the htat--Jle affects to consider hirn-self �i nqt our prisoner 1 General Roeham* p&a�, tu Saint Uomiuge, �t the time that Buo-x aparts eSjrried on war against the Blacks in that country, was hard pressed by the Blacks �n one side, and by the British forces on the other, (for we were at war with France at the same time,} he took the resolution therefore, as the less of two evils, to deliver himself up to the British, and onset.tently became a prisoner of war, and of course was so considered and treated, for in such a case what is there that can hp called voluntary, or the act of a man perfectly at liberty ? 1 would ask, in what respect does the (use of Buonaparte differ from that of Ilo-rhambeau ? On-one side he had the King of France, who had proclaimed him a rebel; on the other he had the English, one of the Powers whielt had declared eternal war against him--which had declared that they would not be satisfied until his person were secured beyond the possibility of any fear arising on his account in *"�tnre. In fact, we did not want Napoleon, he wanted us ; and happy is it, in my opinion, fur him, that he has fallen into our hands. But si to the notion that he was to be considered no longer an object of our enmity or hostility because he had divested himself of his political character, it is quite absurd, because the Declaration �f one of the Belligerent t, or hisintepretatioii of the cause and object of the war, and the time and muiioer in which it should terminate, is uot conclusive against his adversary. That adversary n�ust be understood tu the sen*e which he him-, *elf has expressed himself; and consequently iiothittg cat� be plainer than that the vary words �f the Declaration of the Congress of Vienna | Uve rnude that man our enemy for ever; because " His there plainly laid down that no reliance can he placed, and none would be given to any of *>u promibes. He t* then our prisoner during life, acting a* we are, ootoory on our own account, o�t in trust; and if we had, a� I am confident it was ur duty to-do, (1 mean in conjunction with the ether Powers of Europe,) taken away that life *hich w�a forfeited by a thou-amt crimes, we had a right, oontorutbty to the spirit and letter f that Derlaratiou, to take it. t>n e*ery principle of the Law o! Nation* ami of Justice we W Mjrb a tu;tYt n spitessf the ravings of Cave l **>9wr and of other La*%etso4 Ins statu p.- a the whote, | thick his friends here may con-Mjutajf them^elTcs on his escape, (for m that **Kht it amy ;l>e rostaklefed*) far if he hud be*it ated t'WMNi d�y� longer. �o�t probably he would be now locked up in �oi:te trouj fortre�fin the custody of the A|l)e�, qr pf L,oUt* X.VUJ. from which he could ne>er expect to ew:ap�; while at present he will be able to t*Ve theair, and can enjoy the use of hia riinbs-^uot tomentioo thu$ the probability of bis futo^'escape^is not altogether so distant or desperate %s tivfe>'f?�re locked tip in Spandau or OlmuUr. i f But this man presumes to eharge os> with a violation of the Law�t>f Hospitality ! Were it even true that the laws of hospitality were violated ftt his person, the complaint would come with a very ill grace from the man who has been guilty of the most flagrant breach of those laws, by his kidnapping, in tbfl fltost treacherous manner, the persons of the Kings of Spain, the father and son. But wehave forfeited our claim to the character of a hospitable and civilized nation, because we did uot give an asylum to a cowardly reuegade, who was flying from the axe or the gibbet I Our hospitality has expired on board the Bellerophon, because we did uot consider and treat Napoleon Buonaparte, an obscure Corsicau Adventurer, an Usurper, the Captain of an organized Banditti, as a regular Sovereign-because we did not treat such a fellow as an unfortunate Prince, fhcu prisca-fides /J we are disgraced for ever 1 Next Sessions of Parliament we may expect that this breach of the Laws of Hospitality to .the." Great Prince*" will be re-echoed through both Houses of Parliament, and. Mr, TlRRMKV, will have to add it to that black catalogue of national vices which, forsooth, baa made the character of the English nation so detesttd on the Continent. That our character is the wry reverse of inhospitable in so evident, that. I A ill not slop here for a moment to enter into proofs; h't it suffice to mention, that there has not been a. Prince in Burope who has uojj experienced, in these latter days of revolutionary commotion, onr sympathy and assistance when the hand of the Oppressor ft: 11 heavy upon him. Such as were obliged to fly, on account of unmerited misfortunes, we received kindly; to the Nobility and the Clergy of France, and many also of the other orders, who preferred loyalty to their King to the treacherous nmiles of ferocious repulili-cnu'r�m, We afforded, not an asylum alone, but, in a great measure, support. And here it may uot be out of place to correct an error into which 1 fell in my last Sunday's Anttyallkan* where n:y subject led me to mulce come observations similar to the present-the error was, charging the Emigrant French without any exception, with ingratitude, and even something worse. What I then said, as applied to all, must be understood only as generally true ; but 1 myself know that there are many exceptions, and 1 hope there are still more than what have come to my knowledge. But to return--! repeat it, the character of this country stands too high to be affected by the calumny of her open or her secret enemies ; by thoee within or those without-by those who would slander her because she opposed their schemes of universal empire; or by such unworthy statesmen as would slander her because she has not put her Government into their hands, and submitted to their direction in all things. Let the map of Europe be spread open, and we shall see that it is to the energy of British Councils, and to the liberality of British means, that every one of its Princes has beep auecoured, cherished, and maintained in their independence. I might even say, without fear of contradiction, that there is not a Monarch on the Continent who may not be said to owe h> whose chief delight is to speak evil of dignities, and which are only calculated to provoke our ridicule and our con* tempt. When thia Bvokapahtb then presumes t� protest solemnly in the face of heaven and of men, against the violation of his rights, and when he says be is ** not the prisoner but the guest of England," he should shew us what tho�e rights are, and how he.became " the guest of England ;" bat on examining the declarations and assertions of Buon ATARTEnnd his adherents in this country, we will rind that they both con*, sider the Declaration of the Congress of VientltA as nothing-in a word, he is considered by then* and himself in such light and character as will best suit their and his present purpose. When he landed in France from Elba be styled himself Emperor, and Mr. Capel Lorrr and his other friends in England, as well as his friends in France, accorded him that title. Whcuit.be* came dangerous to act the Emjieror any longer he ailectsto lay the character aside,'and, according to his own and their reasoning, his political offences are wiped away in an instant, Si he is to ha considered asa sirnpleindividual with all the rights that appertain to any other man. All this time there is no notice taken of the definition which the Congress of Vienna have given of the 'mutt and his character. The Sovereigns of'Enropt* have, however him now in their'power, and' 1 sincerely hope, for the tranquillity of the wovUl, that theyjwil} act towards him in the true spirit of their. definition,, What those, English prejudices are, which, according to ?� report of a conversation given iia the MominR. Chronicle, as having taken place between Buonaparte and Lord Low in eh, I am st a loss to discover. They surely cannot be against the different nation* of Europe to which we have been extending our assistance.-. But Mr. Fox, according to Buonaparte, waa above our prejudices l which implies, I �uppose9 that the resistance to the usurpsitiouBof jU>vo!n~ tionary Era net? ware, prejudices-that the object of Buonapartu'8 policy was not dangerous*- thut it was prejudice alone which impelled ua to take up arms against him, and to stop him in his career of universal benevolence. We looked upon the murder of the Duke'd'ENGHiEN, of Wruuit, of Palm, and of Hoi;ti;k as grent crimes--perhaps these were prejudices, or weak* nesses on our part, and that Buonaparte thought that Mr. Eox was of a liberal mind in being above such vulgar prejudices. Perhaps had Mr. Pox lived to witness Buonaparte s> attempt on .Spain, the natural horror of hie countrymen at that wicked attempt would huve been considered by that enlightened Statcstintu (as indeed it has been by most of his party) m a prejudice or a weakness to which a great mind like iiis should not be subject, and our exertionc to rescue that country from the gra�p of Buona* parte might have been considered as prejudice -In a word, all our exertions in the support, of order and legitimate government, in support of the throne and the altar, were prejudices from which such great minds as that of Mr Fox were exempt. The Editor of the Chronicle may, per* haps, agree with Buonaparte in the application of the phrase to Mr. Fos, but 1 believe the ge*. ncrnlity of onr countrymen will n o w uc kn o w i ed gep that the present proud state of Great Britain is owing to the existence of those old fashioned pre* judiccs which they would wish to remove, STATE OF FRANCE. I turn from a subject comparatively umm� portaut to one which is by no means ao-the ptehcnt state of France.' Though Buon A* parte is politically defunct the system is not.-* It is continued and maintained bv hi� quondam, friends and HssuciatfK, Meters. TALLt.YHAND* Fout'ue, atwl Co. who have admitted Lout? into purrnettdiipfor aiimet but only on one cou� J it inn-thut he io be nothing more than at, sleeping partiici,and that the busiues* of tilt ;

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