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Anti Gallican Monitor: Sunday, August 13, 1815 - Page 1

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   Anti Gallican Monitor (Newspaper) - August 13, 1815, London, Middlesex                                tins 1V1 tf*lV�TVY� {ft. 239 f- Price lid.) ** Prac�* he to France, if Fr�t�ce in Pence permit " The just and lineal entrance to onr own : '* If tmt, hired France-ami Peace ascend to Heaven."-S|iAKFsPr.Anr. AUGUST i.l, 181,. LEGALI' V OF BUONAPARTES DETENTION. * As to those TWonxloT* wlio, under the titl(� f>f Sov*>wi|jns, n�nt\er Ihci.isHves th� scourge* nntl honor of the human r�ce, th�T are �\v.iar� beasts, whom crery hruc man may jitstlv o*tcnninate {torn, the face of the earth."-.vattel, b. 1l chip. iv. \ �ce� with much satisfaction, that t/ic discussion respecting tho supposed right of Buona-j*aiite to the protection of our Habeas Corpus Act is still kept up. Mr. Lofft has again returned to the charge, and has brought up some auxiliaries, who seem determined to continue tin: contest with the obstinacy of their Idol, the Emperor himself: such generous conduct on their parts may, one day, receive the Emperor s thanks. Mr. Lofft is a tender, good-natured soul (sunt lacri/mte return J, courts the musen, is a star-gazer, and .sometimes writes criticisms on poetry, full as ably as he comments on the laws of his country. His love of country and of liberty must surely be of a very strange kind, for we see him exerting all his talents in favour of the man who, most people think, was the most deadly enemy that the cause of liberty-of justice-and England ever had. But where were Mr. Lofft and his fellow labourers at the time when this same Buonaparte, the Emperor, after having destroyed liberty in his own country, was endeavouring to destroy the liberty and independence of every kingdom in Europe? Were their voices then raised in the cause of liberty ?   Yes-if to apologize for all the crimes of Buonaparte, and to Justify all his measures, to abuse their own country, its laws and its constitution-to proceed even so far us a certain honourable Baronet, who said, in his place iu the House of Commons, ihrtt the. political condition �jf France under Buonaparte was preferable to that of England -nay, that England was hardly worth fighting; for-if thi* was speaking or supporting  the cause of liberty, ! confess the "Gentlemen whom 1 have been describing have had considerable merit it* that way. At that time English Liberty and the British Constitution were objects of ridicule with those enlightened Patriots, who are the first to invoke their protection for that man who was the greatest enemy Liberty aver had,-T. Weak am! .injudicious as the efforts of a party in favour of Buonaparte are at. this moment, their attempts illustrate the genuine IV.edom which we enjoy more forcibly than volumes written to explain it-tin? whole history of ail the efforts in favour of liberty cannot produce any thing so truly grand.  The liberty of Briton;; must indeed be admirable beyond all comparison, when it 89 conceived that it may be extended to the protection of a foreigner-a man covered with crimes, and flying from the axe of the executioner.   When such a man, in the opinion of some, may demand an English Judge to take cognizance of the cause of his detention, and determine upon its legality, and even to set him at liberty, the Constitution of that country must be erected on a truly popular basis, whon such an idea could enter the brain of even wrong-headed and disaffected men. The exertions of the Party, in favour of such a man as Buonaparte, are, however, very injudicious. "Overwhelmed with grief they undoubtedly are," not so much for our detaining the JStuperor, but because all their schemes of getting assistance from France to promote rebellion in this country are frustrated.   When Mr. Fox and General Fitzpatrick made a motion in the House of Commons in 1705, for an Address to his Majesty, praying that he might use his influence with the Emperor of Germany in fa-tour of Lafayette and his companions, who were then confined in the fortress of Olmutz, no one condemned such humane efforts; but that ien who affect to call themselves Friends of reedom and Patriots, should invoke the protec-n of English law in favour of a Despot and nurderer, is past enduring; but it clearly shews at we are to understand by the term of rieudsof Freedom," or" Friends of Liberty," this country.--It must clearly mem the ene-es of England, of her laws, and of her Con-tution. But the language of these men is as incon� sistent nt different times as their politics are strange and unnatural. When Buonaparte made his escape from Elba, our Ministers were abused for not taking; proper measures to prevent it; and when Lord Ca*tlkreagu said, that as Buonaparte was not a prisoner at Elba we had no right to stop him, even if we met him at sea, they affected to treat this with ridicule; but now they contend that he is not. even to be considered in the light of n prisoner of war. Should Buonaparte be liberated by virtue of the Habeas Corpus Act the war would be again renewed ; and us for ghnghim up to Louis XVIII. ns his Ministry is constituted at present with Talleyrand and Fouchr at their head, men as guilty as Buonaparte himself, that step could never be thought, of. A writer in the morning Chronicle, who signs himself " A Practising Barrister," and who supports the same aide of the question as Mr. Lofft, in noticing my arguments on the opposite side, endeavours to excite the popular prejudice against me, by saying, that �* I had been Buonaparte's subject from choice, and received his pay." Now, how stands the case with respect to me and those consistent Friends to Liberty and to Buonaparte ? As soon as I discovered fully the nature of the Government of Buonaparte I withdrew myself; but from the sentiments of the " Practising Barrister," it appears that, he would have gladly remained, and shared in the obnoxious acts of that Government, even were it iu the murder of the Duke d'ENGiiiEN and of Captain Wright.- To mention my having received the pay of Buonaparte certainly comes with a very bad grace from such writers as the *s Practising Bar-rister" and his Party, when h,cscertain that that is the very thing which they all aim at.--But I am inconsistent in the opiuiot.r of the Party--I understand them; hud I constantly abused Ministers, and approved of �very thing which had been done in France, I should have been consistent, and every thing "hat was proper. But Mr. Lofft has published another long letter in the Chronicle of Thursday. The madness of this poor gentleman is at its height. What that madness has arisen from E shall not ta'ke upon me to pronounce; but we may easily conjecture that, his hopes and expectations have been much disappointed by the late turn of events on the Continent. Buonaparte, and the Friends of Liberty at the Champ de Mai, had nearly completed another "fabric of human wisdom," when, unfortunately, those inhuman Goths, the Duke of Wkllingtom and Prince B luc her, by their presence at Paris, interrupted the workmen, and compelled the principal Architect to seek his safety in flight. What fair hopes and expectations were blasted by such an untoward event! The Golden Age of Liberty was about to descend upon the earth, but. the appearance of those rude barbarians from the North compelled her to wing back her flight, and to wait for mote propitious times. The disappointment to Mi. Lofft, and the other Friends of Liberty, ill this country and elsewhere, was indeed cruel, and may well account for the present insanity of this good gentleman and others; but it is rather singular that his caue is an exception to the general rule or observation which Mr. Locus, lays down respecting Lhe errors of madmen ; he says, that�' madmen reason rightly from wrong premises ;** but in the case of this poor gentleman, his premises (which may be found in his two first paragraphs) are inconsistent with- each other. His second paragraph considers the war over, and BuoNA'-farte a prisoner at war, for he states- *' According to the best modem usage and the nature of the subject, prisoners of war, unless sooner exchanged or ransomed, return to their country ; or po elsewhere, at liherly, when the war is terminated. They are pledges not prize* in perpetuity. But a prisoner of war cannot be made after the war ib over. A prisoner of war would be strangely made bv voluntarily committing himself,-on the part of the Chief on wIiohc account was- waa wa > bleau), he resigned in his own name and that oi his family.   A baud of conspirators, whom Mr., Lofft calls France, have since absolved Intra from the obligation he put himself under by that Treaty, by what he calls adoption : he in obliged front the force of circumstances again, to resign, but does not gjve an a simple and absolute resignation, but one in favour of hie Son; if he should be so fortunate, therefore, by the assistance of Mr. Lofft and the Habeas Corpus Act, or by any other means, tc be able Go return^ urod the thing to fir from being itsapt.e^ bible, he will not be under the necessity of vio� Sating any Treaty ; and, in departing from our shores, he may Kay, like our James IL " I wilfi transmit my cluintu to my latest posterity till successful."   Now it ia against these very pre� (tensions that we have been contending, and it is tjgaitifct the person of this half-disguised enemy that, according to Mr. Lofft, we are acting illeg�llys becauye we retuin him iu custody-*-* this man, who retire:* invested with all his rights.? who calls himself, and whom Mr. Lofft calk* Emperor, and who dernandu to be treated en Souvcraiiio It is evident, from Mr. Lofbt's silence re=> spectiug the Treaty of Foutaiubleau, and the Declaration of the Congress at Vienna, that he looks upon them as mere waste paper-��as of no manner of force or validity; he does not eveu think them deserving argument. Treaties are to him^ as indeed they were to the Emperor^ " trifles, light as air;" but then he makes amends by the substitution of our M'.tgna Chart a, and the Hill of Rights* and the Habeas Corpus Act8 for in proportion as he would abridge the one would he extend the other. Like brother Jacfev iu the " Tale of a Tub," he would make his Habeas Corpus serve as many purposes as Jack would his lathe:'h will. But Mr. Lofft will not, I hope, be displeased to find that there are other laws which have a binding force a* well as the Habeas Corpus. Now, if two nations make a Treaty, by which they mutually agree on certain things therein set down, this constitutes a   

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