Anti Gallican Monitor, June 11, 1815

Anti Gallican Monitor

June 11, 1815

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Issue date: Sunday, June 11, 1815

Pages available: 8

Previous edition: Sunday, June 4, 1815

Next edition: Sunday, June 18, 1815

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Publication name: Anti Gallican Monitor

Location: London, Middlesex

Pages available: 2,262

Years available: 1811 - 1817

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All text in the Anti Gallican Monitor June 11, 1815, Page 1.

Anti Gallican Monitor (Newspaper) - June 11, 1815, London, Middlesex ANTIGALLICAN MONITOR Sc. 229 - Price 8 favour of the Declaration, because I believe it will be found that every measure that has been adopted to limit the power, or thwart the views of Buonaparte, has been reprobated by certain gentlemen and others in this country; -they were either wrong in principle or impolitic from circumstances, and, according to them, would defeat their own object. The events of 1814 were, however, not in perfect conformity with their predictions, and 1 trust that more v^o-rous and decisive eon duct on the part of the Allies than in 1814, will now accomplish what they then left undone, and liberate us completely from, the odious tyranny of the French Revolution, and She 110 less odious harangues of its defenders, the friends of librtty, in this country. But the Declaration of the 13th of Marrh f.-ft ends, because, forsooth, it establishes a prill-viple of personal hostility to a sovereign Prince-� novel as well as dangerous-never before acted r.pon, and degrading t deuce of the free states of Greece, that hireling orators endeavoured to mystify the people, and persuade them that there was no danger to be apprehended. The policy and address of Buonaparte, as well as many circumstances in Ilia situation, bear a strong resemblance to those of Philip, with the exception of the latter's being a legitimate hereditary sovereign, but the engines with which the Macedonian and the Corsican carried on their operations were exactly the same. It was a raying of Philip, that no town or fortress way impregnable, into which an horse laden with money could enter, and history informs us that he had his spies, his agents, and Ibis orators in all the free cities of Greece. That all the states of Europe are exposed to similar mischiefs from the machinations of the modern Philip, is as evident as the history of present transactions, necessarily secret from their turpitude, can well be. Faction and Party are, unfortunately in this country, called in in aid of corruption, and there is no length to which some men are not prepared to go to establish that order of things and that man which, in opposition to the Government of their country, they have always supported. But the case, it seems, of a tyrant so atrocious m to call down universal vengeance, is a mere fiction of the imagination-a being to be sought for only in the page of mythology. Vatfel, however, when he described such a tyrant in the words which 1 have prefixed to the present article, was writing a book to instruct nations in tke principles which should govern their conduct towards each other-was describing a case, which, if not common before his time, has since been exemplified to-the letter--he was contemplating the cu�e of a tyrant who might not only render himself obnoxious to the people under his own Government, but to all the surrounding nations, by his restless and unprincipled ambition-by his want of faith-his contempt of all the obligations of law,, of virtue, and of religion. The names of BusiRts, or any other names taken from ancient history or my thology, served his (Vattijl's) purpose, as well as if he had introduced the name of a GsbKNG&s Kuan, or a Peter the Cruel;, it would be sufficient if this great Jurist merely supposed the case a possible one, for I* believe it never has been conceived to be wrong in a legislator to provide for a possible case; and it is for us to make the application. In the domestic or municipal administration of justice, in any country, we seldom hear that the robber or the murderer claims exemption from punishment, or that his lavvytF defends him 00. the ground of robbery or murder not being criminal in themselves, or that they do not render the perpetrator obnoxious to punishment, or that the state has not the right as well as the power to punish robbery and murder as crimes. Upon what principle will any man of common sense Bay, that a man who has made himself the enemy of all nations, who has been lor fifteen years or more endeavouring to enslave them-">who is bound by no treaties--who is, in fact, nothing better than the leader of a well-organized banditti, and who.-e pvesent authority is founded on the violation of treaty, and exhibits the most profligate dis fercst in enforcing their own decree? 13 in present usurpation is an insult casit, upon the di�� tiity of Sovereigns and of nations, such as a Inmost to prevent, all cool calculations of cxpcdi-� eney. To b� duped, to be tricked, by the artt fice. of an unprincipled knave, must be pninfju to the feelings of honourable men, and in pinV-. lislnng their Declaration they but comply with the w�sh'.'o of their subjects : it is t he only v. ty left to satisfy their own insulted honour a ltd faith--the only plan, by u-hich we can eupcct peace rt the last. The war therefore upon which the Allied nnv? enter is directed against the person and author rity of Napoleon IUj on apart.-;;; but this in (shocking (according to some), bccatJae hh life SB put in the power of every man. 1 believe \t is not pretended that we have purer notions of religion than what are to be found in. the bible0 or more correct ideas of the duties of i'ithieno uhip th:.n ai?e to be found in the writings of Cicero. I would ask Lord Gr-;y, is the pro� neription of a Tyrant discountenanced by those authorities ? ,f such be hits Lordship's opinion, I can tell him that the republican friends of Buo� n a parte think differently,. Carnot9 in hia celebrated Memorial, brings abundant proof of the lawfulness of tyrannicide; but as the same source3 are open to us, I filial! again beg leave 4c refer to the authorities which S inyuelf pro � dueed on this subject. When I say refer to them, it its proper to in.� form such of my readers as may be uuacquuiut-^ ed with it0 thai I was the first person who thought of making that distinction between Buonaparte and the French nation, which the Declaration of the 1 :Uh of March proposeo to do. So long back as 1311 I had the honour to propose the establishing of Anti-Corsican SoT cieties, for the purpose of contriving methods to bring the reign of this odious Tyrant to the most upeedy termination. 1 shall not here repeat the denunciations which were uttered against me in both Houses of Parliament ; and as a proof that the denunciation of the Napoleonic Peers and Commoners did not intimidate me, I two years after published a mnall pamphlet, entitled Buonaparte an,Out-lav/, or an Appeal to the Germans, on the very same subject; but I believe the most sincere friends of humanity and of national indepen deuce will now agree with me, that if my ma,, had been adopted, and had BuoNApARTE.il placed at his pout

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