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Anti Gallican Monitor (Newspaper) - April 23, 1815, London, Middlesex THE ANTIGALBICAN MONITOR No. 223.-Price Rcf.] THK IMPOSSiniMTY OF RS TABMSHINW A COX-SriTUnONAL tlOVKUN.MF'.N'T UNHKK. A Mi-LITARV CHIEF IAIN, PARTICULARLY l.XDJJl NAPOI.F.ON. J?y M. Comic, I'ditor of the CrNsr.urt. (Concluded from onr last.) Count de Saint Simon has just published the prospectus of a work entitled " The Defender of the Proprietors of National Domains." This prospectus lias been submitted to the censure of men instituted by Government, Well! have they stopped the publication ? If they permit, the publication of the prospectus can it be supposed that, they will stop the work itself? and if they do not stop it, can it be supposed that Government reprobates its principles?-- It cannot be denied that tin: press is to be entirely fret: in a short, time, and that then every one. will be privileged to iIimmiss every question relating topollliosor legislation. It is therefore ecssary t hat the. proprietors of national do- and (lis- 3 " Pence lie 1o Frnnce, if France in Ponce permit " The just antl lineal entrance to ton- own : ct If no!, bleed France-and Pence ncrtMttt to Hcnvcn.'' -Sua k nsfF. auf.. AP1UL 9.?, mi:,. ;ie mains shouhl habituate themselves to it ; vhere is the mighty diifercuoe, whether the cussion commences now or in a year hence L Clllg siotwitnstaudiug thai their cause was better than that of the emigrant?! in -eueral, think oi main- Gaining- tlr.it those; who acquired it were not the legitimate proprietors ? \ eeu held by a moie f-ecure title than it is held at the present slay. What prefect ever thinks actually to assess bis department with arbitrary contributions?-- But have we not seen under Buonaparte's l�ov= eminent, IViinisfers, prefects, and even as low down as mayors, levying- imposts.; in an ai bitrary injinuer ? M we open the criminal or penal code promulgated under the Imperial Goverumcut, we shall hardly haul an artit le there which does not pre* jiounce the penalty of confiscation, and which does not, in lhat mariner punish an entire family for a crime in which it has taken no part. *' It is objected,'* said the orator of Buonaparte to the .Legislative Body, " that the punishment of confiscation should fall on the children who might iwt be accomplices in the crime of their father; h\)'r WHO TIIKN M1A5.I. SUfiT'tl FOR, TIIK CKIMKS OW FHKlR FATHERS IF i 1 HK NOTTHK CH! MMtKN ? --i will not saij that in rejecting the confiscation it would oftentimes be mack to be feared that the enemies of the commonwealth would be left in possession of the means of doing it an injury."- Thus we see that, after having punished a guilty person, it was necessary to thai some one to puuUh, for a crime to which he was a stranger, and that the son, whose father was condemned, was himself consideredua a public enemy, of course, whom it was, necessary to rob, for the purpose of stripping him, as they said, of the means of doing any harm. This kind of legislation was, in other respects, in perfect harmony with the Government which was then in existence. Montesquieu observes, that confiscations art; really useful in despotic tiovei-niueuts. " By these means,'"1 says he, <; thtf people are consoled ; the money raised by them is a considerable tribute, which the Sovereign would raise, with much difficulty from wretched subjects ; there is not even in such a country any family which men would be disposed to preserve. " In mixed (.lovernment
,ouin,.r faculties vva-: in ,r< dan-gerou- in an tadigditeneti man ami a man al probity, than ?he mo.t murderous weapon so the hand of the assassin., ib\d we at h'ast. tin: guarantee of our properties being r.ceureaud inviolable ? All the agent.; of authority arrogi.tetl to themselves the riglit. every i sine', and all the courtieni proehiinied that tlie. head id the; at a to was the only proprietor in Fracce. Ii -&i;les, how eoeld prooerty have been guaranteed ivhen !.he judgefc who '.vert; charged to proumriuce ]udg*uenl on every litigated .subject, v,�(. ie agents oi authority,, who ciuild be a.rbjtr;.uiiy displaced ? V/e were thertsfore governed as de:;>fmiical!y a:i the Turks ; and if tin: resi lubiacice iva:; not altogether perfect, that must be ascribed to the difference of our manner;, which would be soon at an end by disappearing. ]\e companion therefore can be instituted between the Imperial and the present. Government: under the former we were subjected to a yoke of iron, under the latter we can say we are free, and every man can defend his rights in any wanner he thinks proper. But I am -./llling to suppose that those rights which have been guaranteed to u.s by the Chart, were equally guaranteed by the Imperial f'ovei a.ment ; i will even suppose, if any wishes it, that the present Government is neither more disposed to respect, our rights, or to cause them to be �espec'ted, than that which has been already overturned ; it will then be our business to examine the force of each respectively, and the means of resistance which we po.v^e&s against both; and that will be incomparably the best which shall have the least means of destroying our liberty, aid against * Spirit of Luvvy, book v tdiap. |;>. * Sue the Imperial Decree uf Dec. ]4, lsI which we shall he most strongly armed to defend it. Let us suppose (what 1 by no means admit tf* be the ease) that the Bourbons intend to overturn the Chart.; they will be supported by the priests, by the ancient noblesse, whether emigrants or not, and by the Chonaus or the Veu- f the clergy, so terrible in the eyes of men who desire the establishment of another ordev of things, is absolutely null with respect to the. enlightened class of the- community, and shat. it .diminishes every day w.th regard to thai eia..s amongst which the ' light�i oi knowledge do not apnear to have pcnctraicd. The event to which the (7,.').'� of St. !v��eh tins given occasion, some days back, is a siiseeg' proof of this. To bring hire back t<� that fob tion which is no less prescribed by the gospel than our laws, the people had no eeeaaon to know whether such or such a bull was in force in I''ranee, they only eonsu'.ti d 'th;' :r own goc! hcnso, and brought a man withrt the rules oj* order who shouhl never love ei :gp used I hem. Now ifa in a matter which da! not appear to intereot them, the less enlighu ne:! v\.v.;-.i of ih�-. nation knew so well how to repi Me* intolerance of Priests, can we believe, that they won hi. shew themselves mure "devoid ol reason, d it were thought, proper !.preach upfyihes io thorn, or feudal prumiple: , or i.he gra'u !.'ivin ' nt; of urooerties which t.hev h i.'e le>. . ' acquir�'(>? No, that, is neither possible., e,or lies, the semblance f post.ibihi \ , '.dmve a!! when (he liberty of the pp'ss is tmm/idered. Loubl |e.-,,s lelig'uHi will pret.ervt: over moral-; that just. 3nv>, llueuee which it should have,, but. its uimi ter.', will infallibly lose that which they hart' e.viv, cisetl formerly, and which, jn.-rhaps tlicyure dilf i desirous of exercising-, ever affair:; relating to i oohties or legislation. The first met hod, therefore., which the pre:,en ^ govermutuit ctmld make use of in tlestroyin,..�-our liberty, nnd re-estabb: hue;; the ancient mo -narehy, is almost nothing, and every day wilt weaken it still more. The second is very Iitile more to be apprehended. V. ho are indeed tie: men who wish for the return of feudal principles, the re-es.!ablislimou? of privileges, nod the exclusion of ninety-nine in a hundred of all the nation, from all offices civil and military? Some hundredr. of individual:;, en1.'(doped u'a prt judk'es ami ignorance, and seafteied in ihe midst
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